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ARYO/T        .^IIIBRARY<9/  ^\\\EUNIVER^/^       ^lOSANCElfj^  -v^lllBRARYQr^       -^lllBRARYQr^         ^\WEI 


THE 


ERAL  CONSTITUTION 


IN 


1787-1788. 


1 

1  r 


COLLECTED  BY 

■ORTHINGTON   CHAUNCEY   FORr 


V      :} 


i 


H 


f  '^'i^' 


THE 


FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION 

IN 

VIRGINIA. 

1787-1788. 


COLLECTED  BY 

WORTHINGTON  CHAUNCEY  FORD. 


[RbPKINTBD    FBOM    THB    PrOCUEDINOB   of  the    MABSACHDaBTTS    HiBTOBICAL 

SociETT,  October,  1903.] 


CAMBRIDGE: 

JOHN   WILSON  AND  SON. 

SnibrTstts  Ptoo. 

1903. 


X 


-  ■  '^^ 


\  s 


i^ 


X. 


k-a, 

i 


J 


7K  ' 

It/ 


THE    FEDERAL    CONSTITUTION    IN    VIRGINIA, 

] 737-1788. 


o 
u 

o 
o 

2 


The  interest  oi  the  follo\.  ing  letters  is  to  be  found  in  the  pic- 
ture tii.y  present  of  tlje  j «  utical  problems  existing  in  the  years 
17S7  i-M!  1788,  in  which  tl;e  United  States  passed  from  a  loose 
confedt; ration  of  States,  po  sessing  the  shadow  of  a  central  au- 
thority, a  thoroughly  discredited  Continental  Congress,  into  a 
nation,  under  an  instrument  which,  in  spite  of  its  compromises, 
created  the  machinery  necessary  for  its  existence  and  develop- 
ment We  have  form:.!  liistories  of  the  time,  accounts  of  the 
influences  leading  up  to  the  framing  and  adoption  of  the 
Ccustitntion,  and  meustirsraents  of  the  results.  It  is  well, 
however,  occasionally  to  return  to  original  contemporary  rec- 
ords, and  ireL  at  iirst  hand  the  impressions,  the  fears,  and  the 
aspiration  oi  those  who  v  ere  interested  in  the  politics  of  that 
di^y.  Not  only  does  a  general  view  lose  sight  of  many  details, 
but  it  eliniTnat(  s  mueh  ot  the  local  color  that  is  so  important 
to  the  complete  piotvirt.  No  two  States  offered  precisely  the 
same  conditions;  no  State  was  homogeneous  in  conditions  or 
in  policy;  the  existence  of  parties  and  factions  was  recog- 
ni:;ed,  and  the  personal  influence  of  leaders  counted  for  much. 
In  Virginia,  for  example,  the  tide-water  counties  were  very 
different  politicalJy  from  the  counties  beyond  the  mountains. 
Their  ec^  -ni-  relations  were  separate,  and  this  led  to  a  wide 
•nterescs.  The  ocean  and  rivers  were  the  natural 
astern  Virginia,  and  wanting  towns  and  ships,  New 
•n  ed  the  accessary  commercial  functions.  The 
faced  the  other  way,  and  in  default  of  good 
Rading  to  ocean  connection,  it  looked  on  the 
a  li"  i:/a]  channel  for  the  export  of  produce. 
.  >  of  th^  leaders  of  Virginian  politics  are  well 
the  extensive  collections  of  letters  from  Washing- 


division  < 
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ton,  Jefferson,  and  Madison.     What  is  not  so  well  known  are 
the  opinions  of  the  lesser  leaders,  who  reflect  more  clearly  the 
local  view,  depending  upon  the  immediate  opinion  of  their  con- 
I     '  stituents  or  summarizing  the  policy  of  a  county  meeting  or  a 

State  Assembly.  It  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  the  follow- 
ing letters  become  so  suggestive.  Jefferson  was  in  Europe, 
Madison  was  in  the  very  front  of  the  constitutionalists,  and 
Washington  exerted  a  dominant  influence  on  the  same  side. 
Their  correspondents  were  not  of  one  opinion,  and  give  many 
shades  of  suggestion  and  criticism.  Jones  was  almost  in  oppo- 
sition ;  Carrington  was  a  judicious  critic  ;  Madison  (cousin  of 
the  Madison)  was  less  balanced  in  his  comments,  and  allowed 
personalities  to  sway  his  judgment.  Each  writer  has  some 
individuality,  and  touches  are  given  that  could  be  derived 
from  no  study  of  the  writings  of  the  "  fathers."  Time  has 
tested  their  position,  and  most  of  the  questions  that  troubled 
them  have  ceased  to  be  vital  and  become  historical.  Yet  the 
profound  influence  exerted  by  these  political  problems  on  the 
history  of  the  country  commends  them  to  our  reconsideration  ; 
and  the  issue  of  the  newer  problems  of  "empire"  rests  upon 
the  development  of  government  and  political  liberty  under  the 
Constitution.  Virginia  in  1787  faced  its  "  colonial  "  question 
in  the  desire  of  Kentucky  to  become  an  independent  State. 
The  continent  determined  its  colonial  question  in  1787  by  the 
Ordinance  for  the  Government  of  the  Northwest  Teriitory. 
Not  until  territory  was  acquired  beyond  the  natural  limits  of 
the  United  States  could  the  problem  of  dependencies,  colonies, 
or  protectorates  arise. 

The  originals  of  these  letters  are,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Jones  material,  in  the  Department  of  State,  Washington,  and 
will  soon  be  removed  to  the  Library  of  Congress.  The  Jones 
letters  were  copied  many  years  ago,  and  I  do  not  know  where 
the  originals  now  rest.  They  supplement  the  series  printed  in 
the  Proceedings,  second  series,  vol.  xvi.  pp.  116-161. 

GEORGE  MUTER  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Kentdckt,  Meecee  Codnty,  20  February,  1787. 

Sir,  —  I  beg  leave  to  return  you  my  thanks  for  your  favor  of  the 
7th  of  January,  which  I  received  a  few  days  ago. 

Our  convention  was  sitting  when  the  act  of  last  session  arrived. 
The  moment  the  convention  received  information  of  the  act's  being 


J 


ll 


come  to  hand,  it  was  directed  to  be  read  ;  and  on  considering  its  con- 
tents, it  was  tlie  opinion  of  the  members  generally,  that  the  convention 
by  the  passing  of  the  act,  was  dissolved.  I  was  doubtful  then,  that 
that  opinion  was  too  hastily  adopted,  and  that  a  dissolution  of  the  con- 
vention was  not  intended ;  in  which  opinion,  since  I  received  your 
letter,  I  am  now  satisfied  I  was  right.  I  have  showed  your  letter  to 
several  of  the  members  ;  they  are  of  the  same  opinion  with  me,  but 
we  can  see  no  means  of  the  convention's  being  able  to  act  again  during 
its  continuance,  or  even  of  being  called,  let  the  meeting  "be  ever  so 
proper  or  necessary.  A  very  considerable  delay  must  now  take  place 
in  the  business  of  separation  ;  whether  that  will  be  attended  with  good 
or  bad  consequences,  I  am  at  present  unable  to  determine.  Those  of 
the  people  that  were  against  a  separation,  exult  exceedingly  ;  they  think 
they  have  gained  a  victory,  and  plume  themselves  upon  it,  highly  indeed. 
The  friends  to  a  separation  are  rather  displeased,  they  think  the  peti- 
tion signed  by  about  70  obscure  persons,  had  more  influence  than  it 
ought  to  have  had  ;  and  they  fear,  disagreeable  consequences  may  arise 
from  the  delay.  'T  is  remarkable  that  the  petition  was  drawn  by  a 
Dr.  Brooke,  who  was  a  member  of  the  first  convention,  and  moved 
that  Kentucky  should  immediately  declare  itself  independent ;  and  that 
Taylor  who  carried  it  in,  from  some  expressions  that  I  heard  drop  from 
him,  I  think  there  is  reason  to  believe,  would  wish  for  an  uncondi- 
tional sepa-ation.  I  am,  however,  of  opinion,  that  the  terms  held  out 
by  the  act  of  separation  will  be  accepted  of,  in  spite  of  everything  that 
can  be  done  to  the  contrary ;  and,  1  am  certain,  that  the  convention 
would  have  voted  the  terms  reasonable,  in  a  few  hours  after  the  time 
they  received  the  act 

I  am  perfectly  satisfied  of  the  propriety  of  the  7th  Article:  your 
reasonings  have  convinced  me  my  doubts  (for  it  went  no  farther  with 
me)  were  wrong.  I  find  too,  that  many  others  with  whom  I  have 
conversed  on  that  subject  since  I  received  your  letter,  agree  with  me  in 
opinion. 

There  has,  I  firmly  believe,  a  great  change  taken  place  in  the  minds 
of  the  people  since  the  last  election  ;  but  it  is  very  different  from  what 
I  have  reason  to  believe,  it  was  represented  to  be  in  Richmond  ;  I  have 
not  a  doubt  that  a  great  number  of  people  who  were  against  a  separa- 
tion at  the  time  of  the  election,  are  now  for  it,  and  I  have  not  heard  of 
a  single  person  who  was  inclined  for  a  separation  then,  having  changed 
his  mind. 

Our  people  here  are  greatly  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi  being  given  up.  And  1  have  not  met  with  one 
man,  who  would  be  willing  to  give  the  navigation  up,  for  ever  so  short 
a  time,  on  any  terms  whatever.  For  my  own  part,  although  I  wish 
for  the  right  of  the  navigation's  being  secured  to  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  yet  I  could  wish  to  see  the  people  of  the  western  country 


6 

in  general,  and  the  people  of  Kentucky  in  particular,  make  but  a  verj 

sparing  use  of  it.  I  am  satisfied,  foreign  commerce  can  never  be  bene- 
ficial in  any  considerable  degree  to  a  people  so  far  removed  from  the 
sea ;  and  that  it  must  be  ruinous  if  the  people  are  engaged  in  raising  a 

t  rough  material,  and  that  a  bulky  one,  and  of  little  value  too,  to  be 

■-  '  improved  by  foreigners.     This  country  in  my  opinion  must  be  princi- 

*■■:  pally  employed  in  manufacturing  their  own  necessarys,  or  forever  be  a 

poor  one.     If  after  supplying  themselves  with  all  their  coarse  goods 

i  they  might  stand  in  need  of,  the  people  could  furnish  some  article  of 

light  carriage  and  high  value,  such  as  silk,  to  exchange  for  such  fine 

;  goods  as  they  wished  to  have,  and   could  not  conveniently  make,  it 

might  be  well  enough  ;  but  to  goe  farther  would  be  acting  contrary  to 

i  their  true  interest;  and  I  am  inclined  to  think  contrary  to  the  intention 

of  Providence  who  seems  to  have  formed  this  country  to  live  within 

itself,  by  furnishing  it  with  all  the  absolute  necessarys  of  life,  in  such 

plenty,  as  to  require  only  the  industry  of  the  people  to  procure  them  in 

the  greatest  abundance. 

I  The  situation  of  the  people  of  this  district  from  the  war  with  the 

;  Indians  is  really  distressing.     The  expeditions  of  last  fall,  tho'  carried 

i  on  at  a  vast  expense,  seem  not  to  have  been  attended  with  one  single 

^  good   consequence:   on  the  contrary,   there  is   reason   to  believe,  the 

Indians  have  rather  gained  a  greater  degree  of  confidence  than  they 

before  possessed,  and  have  been  more  irritated  against   us  than   they 

'  were.     They  seem  now  to  be  pushing  us  on  every  side  ;   mischief  has 

been  done  lately  on  the  frontiers  of  almost  every  county  in  the  district, 
and  partys  have  even  ventured  to  commit  their  depredations  within 
about  15  miles  of  Danville;  and  one  party,  supposed  to  consist  of 
about  twenty,  was  seen  last  week,  not  much  over  15  miles  from  Dan- 
ville, and  within  about  six  or  seven  miles  of  Harrodsburgh.  A  great 
many  poor  people  have  already  been  forced  to  remove  from  their  habi- 
tations, and  it  is  not  to  be  doubted,  but  that  many  more  will  be  forced 
to  follow  their  example.  There  seems  to  be  no  security  at  present, 
but  in  the  very  thickest  settled  parts  of  the  country,  and  how  long 
there  may  be  safety  even  there,  it  is  impossible  to  determine.  The 
people  however  do  not  seem  dismayed  ;  they  keep  up  their  spirits  still, 
and  they  seem  generally  to  be  of  opinion,  that  the  strength  of  the 
country  is  fully  sufficient  for  its  defence   could  it  only  be  properly 

I  ^^^'■^^<^-     At  the  same  time,  they  think  Congress  ought  to  make  some 

exertions  m  their  favor ;  but  they  have  little  hopes  of  any  good  arising 
to  them,  at  least  this  spring  and  perhaps  summer,  either  from  the 
troops  resolved  to  be  raised  by  Congress  for  the  defence  of  the  western 
country,   or   from    any   other   exertion   by    Congress    in    their    favor 

■:  whatever. 

I  .  7*"!  '^\"*^^°  ^^  *^«'"  i"   Massachusetts  seems  to  be  distressincr 

\    ■'  '°*^"^-     A°^  ''  '«'  I  tbi^k,  to  be  feared,  that  the  example  may  bS 


productive  of  mischief  in  some  of  Uie  other  States.  Such  a  sUte  of 
utfairs  is  truly  deplorable,  more  particularly  as  there  is  reason  to  suspect 
that  British  emissarys  are  busying  themselves  on  the  occasion.  How 
far  the  mischief  may  extend  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  ;  but,  I  would  fain 
hope,  it  will  produce  an  inclination  in  the  minds  of  all  men  to  use 
every  endeavor  to  bring  about  such  an  amendment  of  the  federal  union 
.  i  has,  now,  become  absolutely  necessary.  Virginia  has  done  herself 
Honor  in  the  choice  of  her  deputies.  I  hope  her  example  will  be 
followed  by  the  other  States,  and  I  pray  that  the  exertions  of  the 
deputies  from  the  States  of  the  union,  at  their  meeting,  to  amend  the 
constitution,  and  thereby  to  secure  to  the  people,  the  blessings  that  may 
be  reasonably  expected  from  the  revolution,  may  be  blessed  with  the 
fullest  success.     I  am,  &c. 

Geobgb  Mutek. 

JOHN  CAMPBELL  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

PiTTSBPROH,  21  Pebnuiy,  1787. 

Sir,  —  On  my  way  to  this  place,  I  met  a  man  from  the  settlement 
on  Cumberland  River,  in  North  Carolina,  who  had  just  come  in  by 
the  way  of  Kentucky.  He  informs  that  the  minds  of  all  the  western 
people  are  agitated  on  account  of  the  proposed  cession  of  the  Mississippi 
navigation  to  Spain.  Every  person  talks  of  it  with  indignation  and 
reprobates  it  as  a  measure  of  the  greatest  injustice  and  despotism,  de- 
claring that  if  it  takes  place  they  will  look  upon  themselves  released 
from  all  federal  obligations,  and  fully  at  liberty  to  seek  alliances  and 
connections  wherever  they  can  find  them,  and  that  the  British  officers 
at  Detroit  have  already  been  tampering  with  them.  I  am  apprehen- 
sive  that  these  matters  will  hasten  the  separation  of  the  District  of 
Kentucky  prematurely  from  the  other  part  of  the  State,  the  inhab- 
Hants  of  North  Carolina  to  the  westward  of  Cumberland  Mountain 
l)eing  desirous  to  join  the  people  of  Kentucky  in  forming  one  State, 
an  event  desirable  in  my  opinion  both  to  the'  old  and  the  new,  pro- 
vided we  parted  in  friendship,  which  I  sincerely  wish  to  be  the  case, 
happen  when  it  may,  but  which  does  not  promise  fair  from  the  present 
appearance. 

I  enclose  your  last  week's  gazette,  wherein  you  will  see  the  resolves 
of  the  Patriotic  convention  of  Washington  County.  This  town  has 
also  framed  a  petition  to  the  Assembly  respecting  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  which  is  now  out  signing,  and  have  also  appointed  a  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  to  receive  and  communicate  intelligence  from 
and  to  all  places  to  the  westward  immediately  interested. 

Before  I  conclude,  I  must  not  omit- mentioning  what  appears  to  me 
singular.     Every  individual  wi»h  whom  I  converse  on  the  subject  is 


II 


8 

fully  sensible  of  the  pernicious  t^nrlency  the  measure  of  ceding  or  for- 
bearing the  use  of  the  river  will  have  iu  reducing  the  value  of  the 
"Western  Lands  belonging  to  the  United  States,  and  whenever  they 
assign  any  reason  that  would  induce  Congress  to  such  a  measure, 
impute  it  to  the  spirit  of  speculation  in  some  aristocratic  Junto  who 
wish  to  procure  vast  landed  property  in  that  country  for  little  value,  to 
the  great  injury  of  the  Publick. 

I  have  no  other  news  to  communicate,  except  that  the  Indians  still 
continue  their  depredations  in  Kentucky,  having  killed  some  people 
lately  in  Jefferson  County.  I  shall  set  out  thither  shortly,  and  if  any 
thing  worth  communicating  occurs,  I  will  take  the  first  opponunivy  of 
acquainting  you  of  it.  .  .  . 

John  Campbell. 


A.  DONALD  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

Richmond,  1  March,  1787. 

...  In  consequence  of  the  agreement  with  the  Farmers  General 
of  France  on  the  24"?'  May  last,  to  receive  from  12  to  15,000  hhd's  of 
tobacco,  over  and  above  the  quantity  contracted  for  with  Mr.  Morris, 
ai  the  same  prices  which  are  paid  him,  provided  the  tobacco  was  sent 
direct  from  the  place  of  its  growth,  in  French  or  American  vessels, 
several  speculations  have  already  been  made,  and  I  have  lately  char- 
tered a  large  ship  to  send  to  Havre  de  Grace,  but  I  am  much  alarmed 
at  being  lately  informed  that  every  possible  obstacle  is  thrown  in  the 
way  of  carrying  the  resolutions  of  the  Committee  of  Berri  into  effect. 
Some  cargoes  have  been  refused,  and  those  that  have  been  accepted, 
have  been  at  an  inferior  price  to  what  Mr.  Morris  receives  for  tobacco 
shipped  from  the  very  same  rivers.  I  hope  this  information  is  not 
founded,  but  if  it  is,  many  individuals  will  suffer  severely  by  their 
confidence,  and  it  will  be  a  great  loss  to  the  publick.  For  the  prices 
allowed  Mr.  Morris  appeared  so  tempting,  that  many  gentlemen  were 
mduced  to  speculate  to  France.  The  consequence  has  been  a  very 
considerable  rise  in  the  price  of  tobacco  at  all  the  river  warehouses 
on  this  river,  as  well  as  at  Petersburg,  and  upon  Rappahanock  and 
Potowmack,  from  which  places  Mr.  Alexander  chiefly  draws  his  quan- 
tity. He  ships  very  little  from  this  place,  or  Page's,  (where  you  and 
myself  have  passed  some  happy  days). 

I  will  not  presume  to  trouble  you  with  my  opinion  of  the  political 
situation  of  the  United  States.  That  you  will  no  doubt  be  informed  of 
by  those  who  are  more  adequate  to  the  task ;  but  I  cannot  help  ex- 
pressmg  great  uneasiness  at  the  disturbances  in  the  Eastern  States 
And  It  gives  me  pain  to  add,  that  the  people  in  this  State  will  in  the 
course  of  a  year  or  two  be  unable  even  to  pay  the  taxes,  unless  there 


9 

is  a  possibility  of  falling  upon  some  happy  plan  of  moderating  their 
extravagance  and  encouraging  their  industry.  I  am  sure  you  will 
blush  for  your  countrymen  when  I  assure  you  that  in  this  and  all  the 
other  towns  in  this  State,  we  are  supplied  by  our  sister  States  to  the 
eastward  with  the  most  of  our  hay,  cabbages,  potatoes,  onions,  &a  so 
that  they  even  send  us  lime,  bricks  and  framing  for  houses  ready  for 
setting  up.  Many  a  time  I  laugh  at  my  Friends  for  this  want  of 
industry.   .   .  . 

A.  Donald. 


JOHN  DAWSON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Fredbricksbdhoh,  15  April,  1787. 

.  .  .  From  a  persuasion  that  a  large  majority  of  the  citizens  of  this 
State  are  warmly  opposed  to  the  payment  of  British  debts,  I  am  appre- 
hensive that  tlie  act  of  Congress  will  be  but  coolly  received,  the*  I 
presume  in  their  letter  they  will  give  reasons  of  sufficient  weight  to 
convince  the  disinterested.  I  assure  you  that  matters  here  wear  a  very 
disagreeable  aspect  —  the  people  of  Carolina  have,  I  am  informed, 
entered  into  an  association,  and  are  determined  to  purchase  no  property 
sold  by  execution.  The  extreme  scarcity  of  hard  money  is  the  reason 
urged,  and  indeed  there  is  too  much  weight  in  it.  Three  days  since  I 
attended  a  sherrifF's  sale  in  this  county,  where  very  likely  negros,  such 
as  before  the  war  would  have  brought  eighty  pounds,  were  sold  for 
thirty.  In  most  of  the  counties,  petitions  to  the  next  Assembly  will 
be  handed  about,  for  the  payment  of  debts  either  in  property,  or  by 
installments,  and  should  both  be  refused,  and  the  scarcity  of  money 
continue,  I  know  not  what  may  be  the  consequence,  as  I  am  informed 
that  in  some  of  the  low  counties,  they  talk  boldly  of  following  the 
example  of  the  insurgents  in  Massachusetts  and  preventing  the  courts 
proceeding  to  business. 

Much  depends  on  the  Convention  in  May.  The  attention  of  almost 
every  person  is  fixed  on  that  body,  and  should  the  issue  not  be  success- 
ful, which  I  am  very  sorry  to  find  you  suspect,  I  fear  there  will  be 
an  end  to  the  general  confederacy.  You  have  I  presume  heard  that 
Gen'l  Washington  has  consented  to  attend.  About  that  time  I  expect 
to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  in  Philadelphia.  As  my  object  is 
to  gain  information  on  many  political  points,  which  I  presume  will  be 
investigated  in  the  ablest  manner,  and  which  will  be  very  useful  to  me 
in  the  next  Assembly,  I  must  renew  a  request  I  before  made,  that  if 
it  can  be  done  with  propriety,  you  will  permit  me  to  hear  the  debates. 
If  it  cannot,  I  am  sure  you  will  give  me  any  information  in  your 
power,  and  I  shall  ever  thank  you,  if  you  will,  in  case  you  arrive  before 
me,  engage  a  room  in  the  hou^e  you  put  up  at,  convenient  to  yours. 


10 

Oar  friend  Monroe  is  elected  for  this  county  contrary  to  the  expec- 
tations of  almost  every  body.  Mr.  Page's  conduct  during  the  last 
Assembly,  and  his  opposition  to  the  tobacco  bill  lost  him  bis  election. 
Old  Mr.  Harrison,  I  am  informed,  is  also  elected.  Mr.  Marshall  and 
young  L.  Lee  are  acquisitions  to  the  house;  but  the  loss  of  R.  B.  Lee 
a  disadvantage.     Mr.  Smith,  I  hear,  will  probably  be  left  out.  .  .  . 

J.  Dawson. 


EDWARD  CARRINGTON  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


New  Yobk,  24  April,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  favor  of  the  IG'!"  of 

January  by  Col°  Franks,  and  thank  you  sincerely  for  the  confidence 

with  which  you  claim  my  services,  as  for  your  friendly  communications. 

The  former  you  may  at  all  times  command ;  the  latter  will  not  only  be 

gratefully  received,  but  repaid  as  far  as  my  attempts  to  do  so  can  go. 

The  letters  to  your  friends  were  immediately  forwarded  under  cover  to 

Dr.  Curry.     The  packages  are  committed  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Bannister, 

who  goes  off  this  day  by  stage  to  Richmond.     No  gentleman  before 

him  has  been  travelling  thither  by  this  mode,  since  the  arrival  of  the 

.  !  packet,  and  to  hav  committed  them  to  the  stage,  without  the  immediate 

'*|  care  of  a  person  who  was  to  go  the  whole  way,  would  have  amounted 

f  to  no  more  than  an  consignment  to  the  first  stage  office  in  which  they 

.^  might  have  been  deposited  for  a  night,  or  perhaps  to  be  thrown  into 

the  highway  by  the  first  traveller  who  might  conceive  himself  incora- 

I  moded  by  them.     There  is  scarcely  an  instance  of  any  thing's  going 

I  safely  that  is  casually  committed  to  the  stage.     Mr.  Bannister  intends 

to  go  immediately  on,  but  should  he  by  any  accident  be  delayed,  he 

will  more  readily  meet  with  a  hand  who  is  going  to  Richmond  further 

on  the  way  than  I  shall  here,  and  is  apprised  of  the  despatch  which  is 

necessary  in  the  case. 

You  have  doubtless  been  informed   of  the   measure  of  a  general 

convention  which  was    proposed  by  Virginia  in    the  fall    session,  for 

^  revising   and  thoroughly  amending  the  Confederation.     Some  of  the 

I  States  hesitated  upon  the  adoption  of  the  measure,  as  being  unauthor- 

I  ize*^  by  Congress,  and  of  course,  improper.     To  remove  every  possible 

{difficulty  Congress  came  to  a  resolution  in  February  recommending  its 
adoption;    all   the  States  have  appointed    deputies    except  Maryland, 
j'  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island.     Maryland  is  now  in  session,  and  that 

;  she  will  appoint  is  not  doubted.     Connecticut  is  also  in  session,  and  it 

18  believed  will  appoint.     Rhode  Island  is  at  all  points  so  anti-federal, 
,     and  contemptible,  that  her  neglecting  the  invitation,  will  probably  occa- 
sion no  demur  whatever  in  the  proceedings.     The  meeting  is  to  take 


11 

place  in  Philadelphia,  the  second  Monday  in  May.  VariouB  are  the 
conjectures  as  to  the  issue  of  this  meeting,  and  still  more  various  are 
ibe  suggested  remedies  to  the  defects  of  our  system.  I  am  rather  a 
zealot  in  the  measure  because  it  will  operate,  at  least  as  an  alarm,  but 
whether  it  will  be  productive  of  any  immediate  effects  may  be  doubtful. 
Perhaps  that  experimeut  has  not  yet  been  made  of  the  present  system, 
which  could  discover  its  defects,  or  point  to  their  remedies.  I  am  cer- 
tain it  is  very  imperfect,  but  at  the  same  time  there  are  evident  causes 
for  its  failure,  other  than  those  of  defectiveness  in  the  construction. 
The  best  of  governments,  like  other  things,  can  prosper  alone  by  due 
Attention.  America  was  placed  in  possession  of  peace  and  independence 
under  circumstances  which  have  not  only  deprived  her  political  systems 
of  the  necessary  care  of  her  citizens,  but  exposed  her  to  the  injunous 
designs  of  men  whose  interest  it  has  been  to  destroy  the  efficiency  of 
trovernmeut,  a  great  proportion  of  the  people  being  loaded  with  debt 
have  found  an  interest  in  promoting  measures  directly  opposed  to  good 
crovernment,  and  have  been  solicitous  to  direct  the  public  affairs ;  whilst 
better  men  have  been  inactive  or  engrossed  by  the  alluring  invitatioDS 
of  ease  and  plenty  in  our  vast  western  and  southern  regions. 

The  deputies  to  the  convention  for  Virginia  are  Gen!  "Washington, 
E.  Randolph,  G.  Wythe,  John  Blair,  Geo.  Mason,  J.  Madison,  and 
Jas.  McClurg.  Mr.  Henry,  Mr.  R.  H.  Lee  and  Genl.  Nelson  have 
declined  appointmenca  which  were  oiicred  them.  Genl.  Washington, 
it  is  hoped,  will  attend,  but  there  is  some  reason  to  apprehend  the 
contrary  —  his  state  of  health  is  not  a  good  one. 

I  am  pleased  to  hear  of  the  impressions  which  have  been  received  in 
Europe  with  respect  to  the  late  commotions  in  Massachusetts.  A 
perfect  quiet  prevails  there  now,  but  it  is  said  the  elections  for  the 
ensuing  year  are  not  free  of  the  influence  of  malcontenta. 

The  convention  will  be  productive  of  things  worth  communicating  to 
you,  and  I  will  do  myself  the  pleasure  to  write  by  the  first  opportunity 
that  offers  after  its  commencement. 

£d.  Carrikoton. 


WILLIAM  HAY  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

Richmond,  April  26, 1787. 
.  .  .  Your  native  country  eihibit-s  at  present  a  very  gloomy  picture, 
the  striking  tracts  of  which  are  a  degeneracy  of  manners  and  an  nnequal 
and  slow  administration  of  justice.  The  people  are  greatly  in  debt,  and 
the  cry  is  paper  money  ;  punctuality  is  gone,  and  all  faith  and  credit  in 
individuals  are  lost.  The  prudent  measures  of  last  assembly  respecting 
paper  money  and  tlie  public  securities,  gained  them  immortal  honour, 


^ 


12 


I 


and  had  their  other  proceedings  been  dictated  by  the  same  wisdom  we 
should  ere  this  moment  have  heartily  begun  a  sprieB  of  reformation. 
The  means  which,  since  the  peace,  have  fostered  luxury  and  extrava- 
gance are  now  withheld  from  the  bulk  of  the  people,  the  staple  com- 
modity of  the  cx)untry  is  fallen,  and  goods  are  now  and  will  be  more 
and  more  scarce.  Necessity  therefore  will  teach  us  frugality  and 
temperance.  Indeed  the  culture  of  cotton,  flax  and  hemp  is  taken  up 
again,  and  as  if  awoke  from  a  dream  the  people  wonder  how  they  could 
lay  aside  manufacturing  the  coarse  articles  which  their  families  stood 
in  need  of,  and  of  which  experience  during  the  war,  taught  them  the 
advantages.  Farming  and  gardening  are  more  general  and  the  culture 
of  the  grapes  is  now  become  fashionable.  The  farmer  however  has 
seen  with  sorrow  his  crops  of  small  grain,  particularly  the  wheat  and 
frequently  the  corn,  almost  totally  destroyed  for  some  years  pa«5t  by  a 
pernicious  insect.  The  damage  is  done  while  it  is  yet  in  its  first  stage 
of  existence,  the  little  enemy  dwells  in  safety  between  the  outer  leaves 
which  cover  the  joints  and  the  stalk.  In  this  state  they  appear  not 
unlike  a  young  bed  bug,  and  smell  exactly  as  they  do.  They  differ  in 
colour  only  by  a  duskish  black  streak  across  the  neck  ;  when  they  have 
acquired  wings,  they  are  all  over  of  that  dusky  colour,  except  a  very 
large  one  which  you  will  find  now  and  then  of  the  same  colour  of  the 
young  brood,  whether  male  or  female,  I  have  not  been  able  to  deter- 
mine. No  remedy  has  been  found  out  for  them.  Their  progress  is 
from  south  to  north,  and  such  havock  have  they  made,  that  many 
farmers  have  been  obliged  to  leave  off  the  culture  of  wheat,  and  by  that 
means  they  have  left  their  farms.  The  same  bug  is  known  to  the 
northward,  and  is  there  denominated  the  Hessian  fly.  .  .  . 

Wm.  Hat. 


EVAN  SHELBY  TO  BRIG.   GEN'L  RUSSELL. 

Sullivan  Countt,  27  April,  1787. 
Dear  General,  —  Nothing  but  real  necessity  and  the  dreadful  ap- 
prehensions of  an  intestine  war  induces  me  to  correspond  with  you  on 
that  head.  The  lenient  and  conciliating  measures  of  the  General  As- 
sembly of  North  Carolina  being  treated  with  the  utmost  contempt,  the 
new  State  party  are  now  falling  on  the  civil  officers  of  government,  with 
men  in  arms,  and  wresting  their  property  from  them,  forcibly  and  con- 
trary to  law  ;  their  Assembly  have  also  set,  ratified  and  confirmed  sundry 
acts,  one  of  which  doubtless  Virginia  must  share  in  its  consequences  ; 
they  opened  an  office  for  the  lands  from  French  broad  river  to  Tennessee 
nver,  being  the  lands  reserved  to  the  Indians  by  the  General  Assembly 
of  North   Carolma  to  them  and  their  heirs  forever;  they  are  forcibly 


13 

taking  possession  of  the  same  aud  settling  in  view  of  their  towns.  This 
cannot  fail  bringing  ou  the  resentment  of  the  Indians,  aud  involve  us  in 
a  war  with  them,  which  your  frontiers  must  share  in  its  dreadful  conse- 
quences ;  This  I  should  think  highly  necessary  to  be  known  to  the 
Executive  of  Virginia.  I  am  now  under  the  fullest  apprehension  of 
engaging  in  an  intestine  war,  in  consequence  of  which  have  made  an 
application  to  Government  for  assistance ;  those  unprovoked  insurreo- 
tiotis  seem  to  have  a  tendency  if  possible  to  dissolve  even  the  very  bands 
of  the  federal  union.  I  am  not  certain  that  I  may  not  be  under  the 
disagreeable  necessity  of  making  a  very  speedy  application  to  you  for 
assistance,  should  not  the  troops  from  our  State  arrive  in  time  to  relieve 
us.  I  therefore  hope  you  will  as  a  member  of  the  union  and  a  lover  of 
your  country  lend  every  possible  aid  and  assistance  to  relieve  us,  and 
hold  yourself  in  readiness  for  the  same.  Having  the  fullest  confidence 
in  vour  Patriotism,  your  valor  and  good  conduct,  I  submit  the  same  to 

your  mature  consideration.     I  am,  &c 

Evan  Shelby. 


ARTHUR  CAMPBELL  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Washington  Codntt,  12  May,  1787. 
Sir,  —  Being  neither  acquainted   with  your  Secretary  at  War,  nor 
Doctor   White,   the   Superintendent  for    the   Southern    Department,  I 
have  taken  the  liberty  to  request  your  notice  to  the  affairs  of  the  South- 
ern Indians  which  aie  now  in  such  a  State,  that   the  Spaniards  on  one 
hand,  and  other  improper  intruders  on  the  other,  may  excite  them  all 
to  become  our  enemies :  or  at  best  useless  friends,  whereas  a  little  kind- 
ness and  good  management  this  year  may  engage  them  lastingly  in  the 
American  interesu     I  am  doubtful  the  choice  of  Doctor  White  is  rather 
0  1  unfortunate  one  for  Virginia,  and  indeed  for  the  Union,  as  he  seems 
be  very  much  a  stranger  to  Indian  manners  and  customs,  and  per- 
-ps  loves  ease  too  well  to  undertake  the  journeys  necessary  to  make 
16  proper  arrangements.       At  all  events,  if    continued    in  office,   he 
ouglit  to  be  urged  speedily  to   fulfil  the  purposes   of  the  ordinance  for 
the  regulation  of  Indian  affairs.     Connected   with   this,  indulge  me  to 
hint,  that  a  company  of  the   troops  of  the  United    States  ought  to  be 
stationed  somewhere  on  the  Tenassee,  above  the  Cumberland  mountain 
for  one  year.     They  might  then   move  down   the   river  towards  the 
mouth.     The  greater  strangers  these  men  are  the  better. 

If  this  should  reach  you  before  the  Convention  breaks  up,  Governor 
Randolph  can  explain  the  matter  more  fully  from  the  communications  I 
have  lately  had  the  honor  to  make  him.  Together  with  what  you  may 
learu  from  the  bearer,  Mr.  Alexander  Drumgoole,  who  is  lately  become 


14 


a  popular  trader  in  the  Cherokee  country,  and  is  now  intrusted  with  one 
of  the  war  captains  of  that  nation  to  make  an  application  to  Congress. 
I  am  Sir,  &c. 

Arthur  Campbell. 


WILLIAM  GRAYSON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

24  May,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  am  much  obliged  by  your  kind  favor,  and  am  sorry  I 
have  so  little  to  communicate  from  this  quarter  worth  your  acceptance ; 
we  have  been  a  caput  mortuum  for  some  time  past,  except  the  little 
flurry  that  was  kicked  up  about  Philadelphia.  Carrington,  I  presume, 
has  given  you  full  information  on  that  point;  during  the  contest,  the 
enemy  wanted  to  raise  a  mutiny  in  our  camp  by  proposing  to  go  to 
Georgetown  at  a  certain  time.  They  were  answered,  they  had  served 
us  so  once  before.  Since  the  matter  has  blown  over,  some  particular 
gentlemen  have  offered  to  join  us  in  getting  Georgetown  fixed  as  y' 
capital  of  the  foederal  Empire :  they  say  they  will  vote  money  for  the 
buildings,  and  in  every  respect  make  the  compact  as  irrevocable  as  the 
nature  of  the  case  will  admit  of,  provided  we  will  agree  to  stay  here  a 
reasonable  time  untill  everything  is  made  proper  for  their  reception. 
I  am  not  certain  when  all  the  Eastern  States  come  forward,  but  some 
good  may  come  out  of  this,  provided  we  act  with  delicacy  and  caution. 
Most  of  y'  foreigners  who  come  among  us  say  the  sessions  of  Congress 
should  be  fixed  by  national  compact ;  I  think  they  are  right  in  their 
reasoning  with  respect  to  all  such  governments  as  ours.  The  argu- 
ments are  too  obvious  to  be  mentioned  to  you.  We  have  a  right  to 
it  at  Georgetown  :   and  ought  in  justice  to  get  it 

Entrenous,  I  believe  the  Eastern  people  have  taken  ground  they  will 
not  depart  from  respecting  the  Convention.  One  legislature,  composed 
of  a  town-house,  tri-ennially  elected,  and  an  Executive  and  Senate,  for 
a  good  number  of  years.  I  shall  see  Gerry  and  Johnson,  as  they  pass, 
and  may  perhaps  give  you  a  hint. 

Since  your  departure,  Maryland  has  openly  declared  against  the 
Mississippi.  It  is  therefore  of  y'  utmost  importance  that  S°  Carolina 
should  think  right  on  y«  subject  Parker,  who  comes  in  in  November 
next,  is  firm ;  and  Mr.  Kean  from  his  bad  state  of  health  will  not  in  all 
probability  attend. 

We  have  lately  had  a  new  farce  wrote  by  Poet  Tyler,  called  May 
day.  It  has  plott  and  incident,  and  is  as  good  as  several  of  y*  English 
farces.  It  has,  however,  not  succeeded  well,  owing,  I  believe,  to  y« 
Author's  making  his  principal  character  a  scold  ;  some  of  the  New  York 
ladies  were  alarmed  for  fear  strangers  should  look  upon  Mrs.  [illegible] 
as  the  model  of  the  gentlewomen  of  this  place. 

William  Geatson. 


16 


EDWARD  CARRINGTON  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

New  York,  9  June,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  did  myself  the  honor  to  address  you  by  favor  of 
Mr,  Payne,  in  answer  to  yours  of  the  \S*^  January. 

The  proposed  scheme  of  a  convention  has  taken  more  general  effect, 
and  promises  acre  solid  advantages  than  was  at  first  hoped  for.  All 
the  States  have  elected  representatives  except  Rhode  Island,  whose 
apostasy  from  every  moral  as  well  as  political  obligation,  has  placed 
her  perfectly  with  the  views  of  her  confederates;  nor  will  her  absence, 
or  non-concurrence,  occasion  the  least  impediment  in  any  stage  of  the 
intended  business.  On  Friday  the  25"'  ult.  seven  States  assembled  at 
Philadelphia.  The  convention  was  formed  by  the  election  of  General 
Washington,  President,  and  Major  W.  Jackson,  Secretary.  The 
numbers  have  since  increased  to  11  States.  New  Hampshire  has  not 
yet  arrived,  but  is  daily  expected. 

The  commissions  of  these  gentlemen  go  to  a  thorough  reform  of  our 
confederation.  Some  of  the  States  at  first  restricted  their  deputies  to 
commercial  objects,  but  have  since  liberated  them.  The  latitude  thus 
given,  together  with  the  generality  of  the  commission  from  the  States, 
have  doubtless  operated  to  bring  Genl.  "Washington  forward,  contrary 
to  his  more  early  determination.  His  conduct  in  both  instances  indi- 
cates a  deep  impression  upon  his  mind  of  the  necessity  of  some  material 
chancre.  It  belongs  to  his  wisdom  and  weight  of  character  to  be  averse  " 
to  meddling  in  a  fruitless  attempt,  and  this  must  have  been  the  case 
upon  a  confined  ground,  or  a  very  partial  representation  of  the  States. 
It  would  have  been  equally  inconsistent  with  his  situation  to  come  for- 
ward upon  any  occasion,  except  in  the  extremity  of  public  necessity. 
In  every  public  act  he  hazards,  without  a  possibility  of  gaining,  reputa- 
tion. He  already  possesses  everything  to  be  desired  from  the  love  or 
confidence  of  a  free  people,  yet  it  seems  that  it  remained  for  himself  to 
add  a  lustre  to  his  character,  by  this  patriotic  adventure  of  all  for  bis 
countries  good  alone. 

The  importance  of  this  event  is  every  day  growing  in  the  public 
mind,  and  it  will,  in  all  probability  produce  an  happy  era  in  our  politi- 
cal existence.  Taking  a  view  of  the  circumstances  which  have  occa- 
sioned our  calamities,  and  the  present  state  of  things  and  opinions,  I 
am  flattered  with  this  prospect.  Public  events  in  the  United  States 
since  the  peace  have  given  a  cast  to  the  American  character  which  is 
by  no  means  its  true  countenance.  Delinquencies  of  the  States  in  their 
federal  obligations  ;  acts  of  their  Legislatures  violating  public  treaties 
and  private  contracts,  and  an  universal  imbecility  in  the  public  adminis- 
trations, it  is  true,  form  the  great  features  of  our  political  conduct ;  but 
these  have  resulted  rather  from  constitutional  defects,  and  accidental 


16 

causes,  than  the  natural  dispositions  of  the  people.  Destitute  as  thei 
federal  sovereignty  is  of  coercive  principles,  backwardness  in  thel 
component  parts  to  comply  with  its  recommendations,  is  natural  and! 
inevitable.  Coercion  in  government  produces  a  double  effect.  While! 
it  compels  the  obedience  of  the  refractory,  it  redoubles  the  alertness  olf 
the  virtuous  by  inspiring  a  confidence  in  the  impartiality  of  its  burthens] 
From  defect  of  penalty,  ideas  of  delinquency  are  inseparable.  States 
as  well  as  individuals,  will  contemplate  both  together,  and  apprehen] 
sions  of  unequal  performance,  produce  disgust  and  apathy  throughout. 

The  nefarious  acts  of  State  governments  have  proceeded  not  from  tin 
will  of  the  people.  Peace  once  obtained,  men  whose  ability  and  integJ 
rity  had  gained  the  intire  popular  confidence  ;  whose  zeal  or  indolent 
in  the  public  affairs,  alike,  moved  or  lulled  the  people,  retired  from  th< 
busy  scene,  or  at  least  acted  with  indifference ;  the  newspapers  ceasec 
to  circulate  with  public  information ;  demagogues  of  desperate  fortunes'- 
mere  adventurers  in  fraud,  were  left  to  act  unopposed ;  their  measures] 
of  course  either  obtained  the  consent  of  the  multitude  by  misrepresen-l 
tation,  or  assumed  the  countenance  of  popularity  because  none  said  Nay.! 
Hence  have  proceeded  paper  money,  breaches  of  treaty,  &c.  The 
ductility  of  the  multitude  is  fully  evidenced  in  the  case  of  the  late 
tumults  in  Massachusetts.  Men  who  were  of  good  property,  and  owed 
not  a  shilling,  were  involved  in  the  train  of  desperadoes  to  suppress  the 
courts.  A  full  representation  of  the  public  affairs  from  the  General 
Court  through  the  clergy,  has  reclaimed  so  great  a  proportion  of  the 
deluded,  that  a  rebellion,  which  a  few  months  ago  threatened  the  sub- 
version of  the  government  is,  by  measures  scarcely  deserving  the  name 
of  exeruon,  suppressed,  and  one  decided  act  of  authority  would  eradicate 
It  forever.  In  this  experiment  it  is  proved  that  full  intelligence  of  the 
public  affairs  not  only  would  keep  the  people  right,  but  will  set  them 
so  after  they  have  got  wrong. 

Civil  liberty,  in  my  opinion,  never  before  took  up  her  residence  in 
a  country  so  likely  to  afford  her  a  long  and  grateful  protection,  as  the 
United  States.  A  people  more  generally  enlightened  than  any  other 
under  the  sun,  and  in  the  habit  of  owning,  instead  of  being  mere  tenants 
.n,  the  soil,  must  be  proportionately  alive  to  her  sacred  rights  and  qual- 
ified to  guard  them,  and  I  am  persuaded  that  the  time  is  fast  approach- 
ng  when  all  these  advantages  will  have  .their  fullest  influence.  Our 
tendency  to  anarchy  and  consequent  despotism  is  felt,  and  the  alarm  is 
spreading.     Men  are  brought  into  action  who  had  consigned  themselves 

l^of^rEm^r'  '"'  '^"^^°'^"' "  ^  ^^"'  ^«  --^"^  ^«  ^"- 

thaTt%L'''f '°^  in^pression  as  well  in,  as  out  of  the  Convention,  is 
that  a  federal  government  adapted  to  the  permanent  circumstances  of 
the  country,  without  respect  to  the  habits  of  the  day,  be  formed,  whose 


17 

efficiency  shall  pervade  the  whole  Empire  :  it  may  and  probably  will,  at 
first,  be  viewed  with  hesitation,  but,  derived  and  patronised  as  it  will 
be,  its  influence  must  extend  into  a  general  adoption  as  the  present 
fabric  gives  way.  That  the  people  are  disposed  to  be  governed  is 
evinced  in  their  turning  out  to  support  the  shadows  under  which  they 
now  live,  and  if  a  work  of  wisdom  is  prepared  for  them,  they  will  not 
reject  it  to  commit  themselves  to  the  dubious  issue  of  anarchy. 

The  debates  and  proceedings  of  the  Convention  are  kept  in  profound 
secrecy.     Opinions   of  the  probable  result  of  their  deliberations  can 
only  be  formed  from  the  prevailing  impressions  of  men  of  reflection  and 
understanding.     These  are  reducible  to  two  schemes:  the  first,  a  con- 
solidation of  the  whole  Empire  into  one  republic,  leaving  in  the  States 
notliing  more  than  subordinate  courts  for  facilitating  the  administiaUon 
of   the"  laws ;    the   second,   an  investiture  of  the  federal   sovereignty 
with  full  and  independent  authority  as  to  the  trade,  revenues  and 
forces  of  the  union  and  the  rights  of  peace  and  war,  together  with  a 
negative  upon  all  the  acts  of  the  State  legislatures.     The  first  idea,  I 
apprehend,  would  be  impracticable,  &  therefore  do  not  suppose  it  can 
be   adopted.      General    laws  through  a  country  embracing   bo   many 
climates,  productions  and  manners  as  the  United  States,  would  operate 
many  oppressions,  and  a  general  legislature   would  be  found  incom- 
petent to  the  formation  of  local  ones,  as  a  majority  would  in  every 
instance  be  ignorant  of,  and  unaffected  by  the  objecU  of  legislation. 
The  essential  rights,  as  well  as  advantages,  of  representation  would 
be  lost,  and  obedience  to  the  public  decrees  could  only  be  assured  by 
the  exercise  of  powers  different  from  those  derivable  from  a  free  con- 
stitution.    Such  an  experiment  must  therefore  terminate  in  a  despotism, 
or  the  same  inconveniences  we  are  now  deliberating  to  remove.     Some- 
thing like  the  second  will  probably  be  formed.     Indeed  I  am  certain 
that  nothing  less  than  what  will  give  the  federal  sovereignty  a  complete 
controul  over  the  State  governments  will  be  thought  worthy  of  discufr 
sion.     Such  a  scheme  constructed  upon  well  adjusted  principles  would 
certainly  give  us  stability  and  importance  as  a  nation,  and  if  the  Execu- 
tive powers  can  be  sutficiently  checked,  must  be  eligible.     Unless  the 
whole  has  a  decided  influence  over  the  parts  the  constant  effort  will  be 
to  resume  the  delegated  powers,  and  there  cannot  be  an  inducement  in 
the  federal  sovereignty  to  refuse  its  assent  to  an  innocent  act  of  a  State. 
The  negative  which  the  King  of  England  had  upon  our  laws  was  never 
found  to  be  materially  inconvenient. 

The  ideas  here  suggested  are  far  removed  from  those  which  pre- 
vailed when  you  were  amongst  us,  and  as  they  have  arisen  with  the 
most  able  from  an  actual  view  of  events,  it  is  probable  you  may  not  be 
prepared  to  expect  them.  They,  are,  however  the  most  moderate  of 
any  which  obtain  in  any  general  form  amongst  reflective  and  intelligent 


i 


i 

j 


4    ' 


18 

men.  The  Eastern  opinions  are  for  a  total  surrender  of  the  State 
sovereignties,  and  indeed  some  amongst  them  go  to  a  monarchy  at 
once.  They  have  verged  to  anarchy,  wiiile  to  the  southward  we  have 
only  felt  an  inconvenience,  and  their  proportionate  disposition  to  an 
opposite  extreme  is  a  natural  consequence.  .  .  . 

Ed.  Carrington. 


REV.  JAMES  MADISON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

11  June,  1787. 
Dear  Col.,  —  I  am  greatly  indebted  to  you  for  the  books  you  were 
so  good  as  to  send  me  by  Mr.  Griffin,  particularly  y*  observations  of 
Mr.  Adams ;  not,  however,  that  he  has  made  a  Convert  of  me,  any 
more  than  I  trust,  he  has  of  you,  to  what  appears  to  be  y*  secret  Design 
of  his  Work.     It  is  probable,  my  dear  Friend,  that  all  that  Trouble 
was  taken,  and  shew  of  learning  displayed,  merely  to  refute  the  Opinion 
of  Mr.  Turgot  —  an  opinion  sufficiently  innocent  in  itself,  and  which) 
had  no,  or  but  very  few  Advocates  in  America,  if  we  judge  from  the  ' 
Gov*^  wh.  have  been  establislied.     Mr.  Adams  is  greatly  mortified  that 
our  Executives  have  not  a  Negative   upon   the    Legislatures  —  and 
thinks  the  British  System  of  Gov!  beyond  Comparison,  y'  wisest  and 
y*  best  ever  yet  invented.     He  must  wish  then  to  introduce  a  similar  U' 

Gov!  into  America.  His  Executive  (w".''  he  also  thinks  sh"!  be  single) 
must  be  a  King  —  y^  Senate,  Lords,  the  House  of  Delegates,  Plebeians 
or  Commons.  Thus  under  ye  mask  of  attacking  Mr.  Turgot,  he  seems 
insidiously  attempting,  notwithstanding  now  and  then  a  saving  clause, 
to  overturn  our  present  Constitutions,  or  at  least  to  sow  the  seeds  of 
Discontent.  I  believe,  if  this  supposition  be  just,  it  is  the  first  In- 
stance wherein  a  public  Minister  at  a  foreign  Court  has  been  foremost 
in  openly  and  avowedly  plotting  Revolutions  in  the  Gov!  he  represents. 
I  fear  his  Optics  have  been  too  weak  to  withstand  the  Glass  of  European 
Courts.  Their  air  may  have  corrupted  the  plain  Republican,  and  lest 
he  should  be  farther  mortified,  I  think  Congress  would  do  well  to  give 
him  as  speedily  as  possible  ye  opportunity  of  breathing  once  more 
y*  purer  American  air.  Jefferson  thanks  his  God  that  the  day  of 
Kings,  Nobles  and  Priests  are  almost  past.  Adams  must  trust  in  his, 
that  they  will  be  seen  to  rise  in  America  with  new  Splendor — which 
sentiment  is  y'  more  worthy  of  a  man  of  common  sense,  I  will  not  say 
political  knowledge,  we  need  not  determine.  The  Truth  is,  I  believe, 
y'  Outlines  of  y'=  American  governments  are  as  well  drawn,  in  order  to 
promote  public  and  private  Happiness,  and  to  secure  that  greatest  pos- 
sible Portion  of  Liberty,  which  we  have  so  successfully  contended  for, 
as  human  sagacity  could  possibly  devise.     These  Outlines  only  require 


« 


19 


to  be  skilfully  filled  up,  perhaps  in  some  Cases  to  be  somewhat  ex- 
tended ;  but  as  to  a  llenunciation  of  y*  original  Plan,  I  hope  iu  God, 
no  houest,  independent  Man  will  hesitate.  The  least  that  ought  to  be 
done  surely,  is  to  make  a  fair  Experiment.  This  requires  Time,  par- 
ticularly as  we  may  reasonably  expect  that  y'=  rising  Generation  will 
be  much  better  actors  upon  y*  Republican  Theatre  than  their  Pre- 
decessors. Besides  Time  is  essentially  necessary  to  give  Force  and 
Energy  to  any  Government,  Nothing  is  more  illusory  on  most  occa- 
sions, than  y*  use  of  metaphorical  Language.  I  question  whether  this 
Balance,  w'f"  Adams  talks  so  much  about,  has  not  served  somewhat  to 
mislead  him.  Government  must  be  properly  balanced.  But  a  Balance 
must  be  supported  or  held  up,  and  there  must  also  be  something  to 
be  weighed  in  each  Scale.  Hence  the  Idea  of  a  Monarch,  King,  or 
Executive,  with  negative  Powers,  holding  in  his  all  powerful  Hand 
the  Beam,  and  Lords  and  Commons  dancing  up  and  down  iu  each 
Scale,  until  his  Majesty  takes  as  many  of  his  good  People  oat  of  one 
Scale,  and  throws  them  into  ye  other,  as  will  produce  ye  desired 
Equipoise.     Then  arises  a  goodly  Gov^  admirably  balanced. 

There  is  another  Circumstance  of  much  more  Importance,  which 
these  Admirers  of  British  Gov?  seem  entirely  to  forget.  There  did 
exist  in  that  Country,  and  indeed  throughout  both  ancient  and  modern 
Europe,  from  ye  earliest  Periods,  this  spurious  Race  of  Men  called 
Nobles.  They  become  so  firmly  established  either  through  Power  or 
Prejudice,  that  to  eradicate  them  was  impossible;  so  that  in  settling 
ye  British  Gov',  the  only  Question  could  be  how  shall  we  moderate 
this  enormous  Evil  as  much  as  possible.  It  could  not  be  removed,  and 
therefore  it  was  wise  to  adopt  a  System,  by  w'.""  the  least  probable  In- 
jury should  be  sustained  from  it.  Perhaps  the  British  Gov!  may  be 
considered  as  having  fortunately  adopted  that  which  would  best  temper 
an  Evil  inseparable  from  the  Nation.  But  surely,  notwithstanding 
what  Adams  may  dream,  and  De  Lome  think,  it  would  be  as  rational 
for  a  healthy,  robust  Mountaineer  to  take  a  moderate  Dose  of  Arsenic, 
or  something  else,  to  reduce  himself  to  y*  Temperament  of  a  Lowlander, 
as  for  America,  free  and  uncorrupted  as  she  now  is,  to  encourage  a 
system  by  which  a  Race  of  Men  might  be  gradually  introduced,  which 
must  eventually  prove  a  certain  Poison  both  to  public  and  private  Hap- 
piness, tho'  she  might  be  assimilated  to  that  Idol,  Great  B —  Fortu- 
nate as  we  are  in  knowing  no  Distinction  among  Men,  but  such  as 
Nature  has  established ;  singularly  fortunate  indeed,  in  being  free  from 
y"=  most  absurd  and  degrading  Differences  amongst  Citizens  —  DiflTer- 
eiices,  which  Ignorance  and  Poverty  gave  Birth  to,  and  wl*"  Nothing 
but  Folly  and  Pride  would  introduce  or  maintain,  I  trust  the  Patriotn 
of  America  will  ever  evince  to  their  Country  and  y'  World,  not  only 
y'  Resolution  to  maintain  our  present  Forms  of  Government,  pure  as 


20 

they  originated,  but  that  they  will  discover  y'  Means  of  giving  them 
that  Energy  w".*"  a  (xov!  of  Law  requires,  and  that  Permanence,  which, 
if  possible,  may  be  everlasting. 

Thus  have  I  said  twice  as  much  as  I  intended,  or  need  have  said  to 
you.  But  ye  Subject  is  interesting  and  you  see  ye  Impressions  w"^!*  ye 
first  reading  of  ye  Defence  has  made  upon  me.  Besides,  I  find  even 
here,  the  Publication  of  that  Book  is  considered  as  a  Sanction  for  ye 
open  avowal  of  opinions  w*;*"  tend  effectually  to  undermine  or  stab  our 

Republic.  .  .  . 

J.  Madison. 


JOHN  DAWSON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

12  June,  1787. 
Dear  Sir,  —  After  an  absence  of  near  three  weeks,  I  have  just  re- 
turned to  this  place  and  am  favored  with  your  letter  of  the  27  of 
May.  The  prospect  of  a  general  convention  of  the  States  appears  to 
me  very  faint,  and  I  wish  to  be  informed  whether  the  States  assembled, 
or  those  that  probably  will  meet,  will  proceed  to  any  business.  I  ap- 
prehend that  nothing  decisive  can  be  done  without  the  concurrence  of 
the  whole. 

I  have  lately  been  on  the  south  side  of  James  River  ;  the  people  in 
general  appear  very  much  discontented,  and  I  really  fear  that  a  major- 
^^  ity  of  that  part  of  the  State  are  in  favor  of  paper  money.     Neighbors 

■^  A  /  '         ,  to  the  Carolinians,  (whose  money  has  depreciated  one  hundred  per  cent) 

they  have  contracted  a  similar  way  of  thinking  —  and  inattentive  to  the 
future  honor  and  interest  of  the  State,  they  are  friends  to  any  measure 
which  will  afford  present  relief.  In  Henry  county,  the  high  Sheriff  has 
not  given  security  for  the  collection  of  the  taxes,  and  I  was  told  it 
would  be  dangerous  for  any  person  to  offer.  Of  course,  no  collection 
goes  on,  and  the  people  appear  happy  in  this  expedient  of  evading  pay- 
/  ment.     In  King  William,  the  night  before   the  May  court,  the  court 

I  house,  with  all  the  records  of  th«  county,  was  burnt  down.     Some  cir- 

I  cumstances  prove  that  it  was  designedly  done. 

-  You,  I  know,  are  opposed  to  the  plan  of  incorporating  towns,  which, 

in  this  State,  has  been  so  much  in  vogue,  for  some  years  past.  The 
people  in  this  county,  convinced  of  the  bad  policy,  intend  to  petition 
the  next  Assembly  for  a  repeal  of  the  law  incorporating  this  town.  I 
have  promised  to  forward  these  wishes,  and  will  thank  you  for  any  in- 
formation you  can  give  me  on  this  subject,  together  with  your  reasons 
for  being  unfriendly  to  them.  Are  any  towns  in  the  Eastern  States 
incorporated?  Is  Philadelphia?  Was  it  before  the  war,  and  how 
I  lo°g?  •  •  • 

!i  .   .  J.  Dawson. 


1 


'. 


21 


EDWARD  CARRINGTON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

New  York,  13  June,  1787. 
.  .  .  Had  the  rules  of  the  Convention  permitted  communications  from 
thence,  you  would  have  conferred  an  obligation  by  including  me  in  the 
number  of  your  correspondents  upon  the  subjects  of  deliberation  in  that 
assembly.  My  curiosity  is,  however,  perfectly  suppressed  by  the  pro- 
priety of  the  prohibition.  Having  matured  your  opinions  and  given 
them  a  collected  form,  they  will  be  fairly  presented  to  the  public,  and 
stand  their  own  advocates — but  caught  by  detachments,  and  while 
indeed  immature,  they  would  be  equally  the  victims  of  ignorance  and 
misrepresentation.  The  public  miud  is  now  on  the  point  of  a  favor- 
able turn  to  the  objects  of  your  meeting,  and,  being  fairly  met  with  the 
result,  will,  I  am  persuaded,  eventually  embrace  it  —  being  calculated 
for  the  permanent  fitness,  and  not  the  momentary  habits  of  the  country, 
it  may  at  first  be  viewed  with  hesitation,  but  denied  and  patronised  as 
it  will  be,  its  infiuence  must  extend  into  an  adoption  as  the  present 
fabric  gives  way.  The  work  once  well  done,  will  be  done  forever ;  but 
patched  up  in  accommodation  to  the  whim  of  the  day,  it  will  soon  re- 
quire the  hand  of  the  cobbler  again ;  and  in  every  unfortunate  experi- 
ment, the  materials  are  rendered  the  less  fit  for  that  monument  of  civil 
liberty,  which  we  wish  to  erect.  Constitute  a  federal  government, 
invigorate  and  check  it  well,  give  it  then  independent  powers  over  the 
Trade,  the  Reven.ies  and  forces  of  the  Union,  and  all  things  that  involve 
any  relationship  to  foreign  powers ;  give  it  also  the  revisal  of  all  State 
acts,  unless  it  proposes  a  compleat  control  over  the  State  Governments, 
the  constant  effort  will  be  to  resume  the  delegated  powers.  Nor  do  I 
see  what  inducement  the  federal  sovereignty  can  have  to  negative  an 
innocent  act  of  a  State.  Constitute  it  in  such  shape  that  its  first  prin- 
ciples being  preserved,  it  will  be  a  good  republic  I  wish  to  see  that 
system  have  a  fair  experiment  —  but  let  the  liability  to  encroachments 
be  rather  from  the  federal,  than  the  State,  Grovernments,  In  the  first 
case  we  shall  insensibly  glide  into  a  monarchy,  in  the  latter  nothing  bat 
anarchy  can  be  the  consequence. 

Some  Gentlemen  think  of  a  total  surrender  of  the  State  sovereignties. 
I  see  not  the  necessity  of  that  measure  for  giving  us  national  stability  or 
consequence.  The  negative  of  the  federal  sovereignty  will  effectually 
prevent  the  existence  of  any  licentious  or  inconsiderate  act,  and  I  be- 
lieve that  even  under  a  monarchy,  it  would  be  found  necessary  thus  to 
continue  the  local  administrations.  General  laws  would  operate  many 
particular  oppressions,  and  a  general  legislature  would  be  found  incom- 
petent to  the  formation  of  local  ones.  The  interests  of  the  United  States 
may  be  well  combined  for  the  common  good  ;  but  the  affairs  of  so  exten- 
sive a  country  are  not  to  be  thrown  into  one  mass.     An  attempt  to  oon- 


22 

federate  upon  terms  materially  opposed  to  the  particular  Interests  would 
in  all  probability  occasion  a  dismemberment,  and  in  that  event,  within 
a  long  time  yet  to  come,  the  prospects  of  America  will  be  at  an  end  as 
to  any  degree  of  national  importance,  let  her  fate  be  what  it  may  as  to 
freedom  or  vassalage.  Be  good  enough  to  present  me  to  your  honor- 
able colleagues  and  believe  me,  &c 

Ed.  Carrington. 


l\ 


-/  / 


EDWARD  CARRINGTON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

New  York,  26  July,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  — .  .  .  We  are  trying  to  do  something  with  our  Western 
Territory  to  make  it  useful  to  the  purposes  for  which  the  United  States 
were  vested  with  it.  You  have  seen  in  the  papers  the  scheme  for  the 
temporary  as  well  as  perpetual  government  of  it.  A  practicable  measure 
for  the  sale  of  it,  or  rather  by  means  of  it  to  redeem  the  domestic  debt, 
remains  still  to  be  agreed  upon,  and  I  fear  the  difficulties  which  have 
always  stood  in  the  way  of  this  great  object,  are  not  yet  to  be  sur- 
mounted. Col.  Lee  joins  Grayson  and  myself  with  great  zeal,  but  what 
will  be  the  issue  of  our  efforts  I  know  not. 

Indian  affairs  wear  an  hostile  aspect,  and  money  must  in  all  proba- 
bility, be  expended  in  Treaties  with  them.  A  general  confederacy  is 
formed  of  all  the  nations  and  tribes  from  the  Six  Nations  inclusive  to 
the  Mississippi  under  the  immediate  influence  of  Brandt  A  general 
Council  has  been  held  in  form,  near  Detroit,  as  long  ago  as  last  Decem- 
ber, in  which  have  been  considered  as  grievances,  our  surveying  over 
the  Ohio,  the  cessions  being  made  by  only  parts  of  the  Tribes  having 
rights  in  the  ceded  Tracts.  Of  these  injuries  or  grievances  they  have 
sent  an  united  representation  to  Congress,  requesting  that  a  general 
Treaty  may  be  held.  Perhaps  this  business  may  be  directed  by  an 
authority  higher  than  that  of  Brandt,  and  should  our  titles  to  thejand 
be  compleat,  it  will  still  be  better  to  spend  a  little  money  in  Treating, 
rather  than  expend  a  great  deal  in  War,  which  from  the  generality  of 
the  confederacy  is  seriously  to  be  apprehended.  This  subject  is  now 
under  consideration. 

As  to  the  hostilities  upon  Kentucky,  the  superintendant  of  Indian 
Affairs,  or  in  case  of  his  inability  to  go,  Colo.  Josiah  Harmar,  is  ordered 
to  proceed  immediately  to  some  convenient  place  for  holding  a  Treaty 
with  the  hostile  tribes,  and  by  that  means  restore  peace  between  them 
and  our  people  if  practicable.  In  the  meantime  Col.  Harmar  is  so  to 
post  the  Federal  Troops  as  to  provide  the  best  defence  for  the  Country, 
and  to  call  for  such  aids  cf  militia  as  he  shall  find  necessary.  Should 
the  Treaty  not  succeed  report  is  to  be  made  to  Congress  for  their  further 


28 


orders,  as  to  oflfensive  operations.  The  state  of  the  general  confederacy 
requires  some  care  iu  the  directiou  of  this  business.  The  desperate 
state  of  things  in  the  United  Netherlands  you  see  in  the  papers.  .  .  . 

Ed.  Carsinotom. 


REV.  J.  MADISON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 


WiLLiAMSBCBo,  1  Augost,  1787. 
Dear  Col.  —  We  are  here,  and  I  believe  everywhere,  all  impatience 
to  know  something  of  your  conventional  deliberations.  If  you  cannot 
tell  us  what  you  are  doing,  you  might  at  least  give  us  some  rnformation 
of  what  you  are  not  doing.  This  would  afford  a  clue  for  political  con- 
jecture, and  perhaps  be  sufficient  to  satisfy  present  impatience.  I  hope 
you  have  already  discovered  the  means  of  preserving  the  American 
Empire  united,  and  that  the  scheme  of  a  disunion  has  been  found  preg- 
nant with  the  greatest  evils.  But  we  are  not  at  this  distance  able  to 
judge  with  any  accuracy  upon  subjects  so  truly  important  and  interest- 
ing as  those  which  must  engage  you  at  present.  We  can  only  hope 
that  you  will  all  resemble  Caesar,  at  least  in  the  particular  **  nil  actum 
reputans  si  quid  superesset  agendum  "  ;  and  that  your  exertions  will  be 
commensurate  to  the  great  expectations  which  have  been  formed.  It  is 
probably  my  observations  upon  Mr.  A's  book  must  have  appeared  to 
you  to  be  hasty  and  undigested.  I  wish  to  know  what  you  think  of  it. 
Congress,  I  find,  by  a  late  ordinance  establishing  temporary  govern- 
ments in  the  new  States,  have  adopted  the  Adamic  idea.  Would  not 
the  other  States  be  wise  to  wait  for  the  issue  of  the  experiment  which 
will  there  be  made.  We  shall  then  have  two  important  experiments 
going  on  at  the  same  time.  The  results  of  which  may  be  the  best 
guide.  .  .  . 

J.  Madison. 


J.  McCLURG  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

RicHMOxD,  5  Angast,  1787. 
Dear  Sir,  —  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  communication 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention  since  I  left  them ;  for  I  feel  that 
anxiety  about  y'  result  which  its  importance  must  give  to  every  honest 
citizen.  If  I  thought  that  my  return  could  contribute  in  the  smallest 
degree  to  its  improvement  nothing  should  keep  me  away.  But  as  I 
know  that  the  talents,  knowledge  and  well-established  character  of  our 
present  delegates  have  justly  inspired  this  country  with  ye  most  entire 
confidence  in  their  determinations ;  and  that  my  vote  could  only  operate 


^ 


24 

to  produce  a  division,  and  bo  destroy  y*  vote  of  y*  State,  I  think  that 
my  attendance  now  would  certainly  be  useless,  perhaps  injurious. 

I  am  credibly  informed  that  Mr.  Henry  has  openly  expressed  his 
disapprobation  of  the  circular  letter  of  Congress  respecting  ye  payment 
of  British  debts  ;  and  that  he  has  declared  his  opinion  that  ye  inleresta 
of  this  State  cannot  safely  be  trusted  with  that  body.     The  doctrine  of 
three  confederacies,   or  great  Republics,   has  its  advocates   here.      I 
have  heard  Harvie  support  it,  along  with  y"  extinction  of   State  Legis- 
latures within  each  great  department.     The  necessity  of  some  indepen- 
dent power  to  controul  the  Assembly  by  a  negative,  seems  now  to  be 
admitted  by  y*  most  zealous  republicans  —  they  only  differ   about  y* 
mode  of  constituting  such  a  power.     B.  Randolph  seems  to  think  that 
a  magistrate  annually  elected  by  the  people  might  exercise  such  a  con- 
troul as  independently  as  ye  King  of  G.  B.     I  hope  that  our  representa- 
tive Marshall  will  be  a  powerful  aid  to  Mason  in  the  next  Assembly.     He 
has  observed  the  continual  depravation  of  men's  manners,  nnder  ye  cor- 
rupting influence  of  our  legislature ;  and  is  convinced  that  nothing  but 
ye  adoption  of  some  efficient  plan  from  ye  Convention  can   prevent 
anarchy  first,  and  civil  convulsions  afterwards.     Mr.  H y  has  cer- 
tainly converted  a  majority  of  Prince  Edward,  formerly  the  most  averse 
to  paper  money,  to  ye  patronage  of  it.     The  opposers  of  this  scheme 
are  generally  favorers  of  installments,  together  with  a  total  prohibition 
of  foreign  luxuries ;   that  people  having  no  temptation  to  spend  their 
money  may  devote  it  to  justice.     The  importance  of  ye  next  Assembly, 
with  respect  to  so  many  objects  of  great  public  interest,  makes  one  wish 
most  sincerely  that  Congress  was  deprived  of  you,  at  least  for  this  session. 
Mr.  Jones  has  left  town,  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Temple  of  health, 
somewhere  about  ye  Mountains.     He  had  been  very  sick,  but  seemed 
well  enough  recovered  before  he  left  us.  .  .  . 

James  McClurg. 


'j  EDWARD  CARRINGTON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

New  Yoek,  11  August,  1787. 
.  .  .  The  departure  of  North  Carolina  and  Georgia  left  only  7 
States,  and  the  day  before  yesterday  we  lost  another  in  the  decamp- 
ment of  Doctor  Holton,  whose  declining  state  of  health  obliged  him  to 
retrograde.  The  Doctor  is  tolerably  free  from  localities,  and  I  am 
sorry  to  lose  him :  but  on  account  of  the  breaking  up  of  Congress,  we 
have  but  little  to  regret,  unless  there  had  been  an  early  prospect  of 
raising  the  number  of  States  above  7,  for  with  that  number,  I  think, 
there  will  never  be  a  good  act  passed.  All  the  Indian  affairs  still 
remain  to  be  acted  upon,  and  many  other  things  of  great  consequence. 
The  President  has  been  requested  to  write  to  the  States  unrepresented, 


\ 


25 

pressing  upon  them  the  ohjects  which  require  the  attendance  of  their 
delegations,  and  urging  tbera  to  come  forward.  Amongst  those  objects 
is  that  of  the  report  of  the  Convention,  which  it  is  supposed,  is  now  in 
the  state  of  parturition.  This  bantling  must  receive  the  blessing  of 
Congress  this  session,  or  I  fear  it  will  expire  before  the  new  one  will 
assemble  ;  every  experiment  has  its  critical  stages  which  must  be  taken 
as  they  occur,  or  the  whole  will  fail.  The  people's  expectations  are 
rising  with  the  progress  of  this  work,  but  will  desert  it,  should  it 
remain  long  with  Congress.  Permit  me  to  suggest  one  idea  as  to  the 
mode  of  obtaining  the  accession  of  the  States  to  the  new  plan  of  govern- 
ment. Let  the  Convention  appoint  one  day,  say  the  1st  of  May,  upon 
which  a  convention  appointed  by  the  people  shall  be  held  in  each  Stat«, 
for  the  purpose  of  accepting  or  rejecting  in  toto  the  project.  Suppos- 
ing an  act  of  the  ordinary  legislatures  to  be  equally  authentic,  which 
would  not  be  true,  yet  many  reasons  present  themselves  in  favor  of 
special  conventions,  ilany  men  would  be  admitted  who  are  excluded 
from  the  Legislatures,  the  business  would  be  taken  up  unclogged  with 
any  other ;  and  it  would  effectually  call  the  attention  of  all  the  people  to 
the  object  as  seriously  affecting  them.  All  the  States  being  in  Conven- 
tion at  the  same  time,  opportunities  of  speculating  upon  the  views  of 
each  other  would  be  cut  off.  The  project  should  be  decided  upon  with- 
out an  attempt  to  alter  it.  You  have  doubtless  found  it  difficult  to 
reconcile  the  different  opinions  in  your  body.  Will  it  not  be  impossible 
then  to  reconcile  those  which  will  arise  amongst  numerous  assemblies 
in  the  different  States  ?  It  is  possible  there  never  may  be  a  general 
consent  to  the  project  as  it  goes  out ;  but  it  is  absolutely  certain  there 
will  never  be  an  agreement  in  amendments.  It  is  the  lot  of  but  few  to 
be  able  to  discern  the  remote  principles  upon  which  their  happiness  and 
prosperity  essentially  depend.  The  many  must  be  asked  to  consent  to, 
but  not^ 

J.  McCLURG  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Richmond,  22  Auguat,  1787. 

...  I  have  still  some  hope  that  I  shall  hear  from  you  of  ye  re- 
instatement of  ye  negative,  as  it  is  certainly  ye  only  means  by  which 
the  several  legislatures  can  be  restrained  from  disturbing  ye  order  and 
harmony  of  ye  whole,  and  ye  government  rendered  properly  national 
and  one.  1  should  suppose  that  some  of  its  former  opponents  must  by 
this  time  have  seen  ye  necessity  of  advocating  it,  if  they  wish  to  support 
their  own  principles. 

We  have  been  informed  from  Green-bryar  that  a  number  of  men  in 
that  county,  to  the  amount,  it  is  said,  of  300,  have  signed  an  Association 
1  Rest  of  letter  miasing. 


r 
I 


26 

to  oppose  ye  payment  of  ye  certificate  tax,  and  in  general  of  all  debta  ; 
and  it  is  apprehended  there,  that  they  will  attempt  forcibly  to  stop  ye 
proceedings  of  ye  next  court  The  Ringleader  of  this  riot,  I  apprehend 
from  ye  length  and  sound  of  his  Christian  name,  Adooijah  Matthews 
must  have  come  from  New  England.* 

A  newspaper  writer  from  Prince  Edward,  has  promised  to  iovestigate 
and  expose  ^e  dangerous  tendency,  as  well  as  unsoundness  of  John 

Adam's  doctrines  — supposed  by  some  to  be  Mr.  H ^y.    This  book  is 

squibbed  at  in  almost  every  paper ;  but  I  have  not  heard  that  anybody 
speaks  of  it  with  more  acrimony  than  your  namesake  at  Williamsburg. 

"We  have  got  the  burner  of  one  prison  a  Mr.  Posey  of  N.  Kent, 
deposited  in  ye  goal  of  this  city. 

James  McClurg. 


WILLIAM  GRAYSON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

New  York,  31  Augiwt,  1787. 

.  .  .  Judge  Symmes  of  Jersey  yesterday  made  an  application  for  all 

that  tract  of  country  lying  between  the  Great  and  Little  Miami,  the 

east  and  west  line,  and  the  Ohio,  supposed  about  two  millions  of  acres 

on  the  same  terms  with  the  Eastern  Ohio  Company.     His  application  has 

met  with  the  entire  approbation  of  the  members  present :  and  there  is  no 

doubt  but  as  soon  as  there  is  a  congress,  that  this  contract  will  be  closed. 

^.^^\-  -A.  Committee  is  appointed  to  draught  an  ordinance  for  indiscriminate 

>»         ^^/  locations,  but  a  difficulty  has  occurred  which  I  fear  will  destroy  the 

*      *   '  whole  affair :  the  Committee  don't  know  what  the  deficiency  is  on  the 

Cumberland  River,  and  have  figured  to  their  timorous  and  suspicious 

imaginations,  that  the  Virginia  officers  and  soldiers  mean  to  take  eight 

or  ten  million  of  acres  between  the  Scioto  and  Miami.    The  Committee 

also  contend  that  the  State  of  Virginia  should  make  proof  of  the  de- 

JJiciency  of  good  lands  on  the  Cumberiand  ;  should  ascertain  the  quantity 
I  I  they  want  and  have  a  right  to,  on  the  northern  side  of  the  Ohio ;  and 

should  then  take  that  quantity  in  one  Body.  I  wish  you  would  speak 
^°  o"""  governor  on  the  subject  Perhaps  it  may  be  in  his  power 
shortly  to  obtain  information  of  the  quantity  claimed  by  the  officers  and 
soldiers  on  the  other  side  of  the  Ohio.  If  this  fact  was  known,  other 
difficulties  might  perhaps  be  got  over,  as  I  apprehend  it  is  not  very 
j   ',  considerable.  ... 

I  W.  Gratson. 

f  ^-  ^'   "T^e  Mississippi  is  in  a  state  of  absolute  dormification. 

1  "  Adonijah  MatthewB,  of  whose  turbulent  attempts  I  informed  jou,  U  said 
teiXrnSL  '"  ^'^  ^"^  °^  Green-brjar."    McClurg  to  MadUon.  6  Sep-. 


27 


JAMES  McCLDRQ  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Richmond,  10  September,  1787. 

.  .  .  The  report  of  a  tendency  to  insurrection  in  several  quarters  of 
the  State  is  not  without  some  foundation ;  tho'  the  friends  of  order 
have  hitherto  maintained  ye  superiority  so  as  to  prevent  any  very 
outrageous  doings.  An  expectation  of  a  remedy  for  their  discontents, 
well  or  ill-founded,  from  ye  next  assembly,  assists  in  keeping  them 
quiet. 

There  is  said  to  be  a  disposition  generally  prevalent  thro'  this  State 
to  comply  with  ye  plan  of  ye  Convention  without  much  scrutiny. 
Hervey,  who  has  been  in  Albemarle  lately,  says  that  Nicholas  is  de- 
termined to  support  it,  however  contrary  it  may  be  to  his  own  opinions. 
I  am  persuaded  that  those  who  sacrifice  solid  and  permanent  advantages 
in  this  plan,  to  their  idea  of  the  transitory  disposition  of  the  people, 
will  condemn  themselves  hereafter.  .  .  . 

James  McCluro. 


JOSEPH  JONES  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

[13  September,  1787.]  i 
Dkar  Sir,  —  Although  I  wanted  materials  for  a  letter,  I  should  have 
dropped  you  a  few  lines  had   I  not  been  absent  for  some  time  from 
Fredericksburg,   and  had  I  not  been  informed  the  convention   would 
certainly  rise  the  first  week  of  this  month. 

The  continuance  of  your  session  and  some  stories  I  have  heard  since 
my  return  and  on  my  visit  to  Alexandria,  make  me  apprehensive 
there  is  not  that  unanimity  in  your  councils  I  hoped  for  and  had 
been  taught  to  believe.  From  whence  it  originated  I  know  not, 
but  it  is  whispered  here,  there  is  great  disagreement  among  the  gentle- 
men of  our  delegation,  that  the  general  and  yourself  on  a  very  im- 
portant question  were  together,  Mr.  M n  alone  and  singular  in  his 

opinion  and  the  other  two  gentlemen  holding  different  sentiments.  I 
asked  what  was  the  question  in  dispute,  and  was  answered  that  it 
respected  either  the  defect  in  constituting  the  Convention  as  not  pro- 
ceeding immediately  from  the  people,  or  the  referring  the  proceedings 
of  the  body  to  the  people  for  ultimate  decision  and  confirmation.'  My 
informant  also  assured  me  the  fact  might  be  relied  on  as  it  came,  as  he 
expressed  it,  from  the  fountain  head.  I  took  the  liberty  to  express  my 
disbelief  of  the  fact  and  that  from  the  circumstances  related  it  was  very 

'  Madison's  indorsement. 

2  Mason's  position  is  shown  in  Madison's  letter  to  Jefferson  of  24  October, 
1787.  Of  the  Virginia  delegation  Wythe  and  McCiurg  had  left  the  Conventioa 
before  the  Constitution  was  completed,  and  Randolph  and  Mason  refused  to  sign. 


I 


^-'1?/ 


28 


improbable  and  unworthy  attention.  I  mention  this  matter  for  want 
of  something  else  to  write  to  you,  and  more  especially  as  it  respects  our 
delegation  in  particular. 

I  shall  towards  the  last  of  the  month,  if  not  sooner,  visit  the  lower 
part  of  Potomack  aud  Rappahannock  —  a  route  the  reverse  of  what  I 
some  time  ago  inteuded ;  but  I  am  desired  by  the  Executive  to  visit  the 
naval  offices  and  searchers  in  that  quarter.  I  hope  this  business  will  in 
future  be  placed  under  the  direction  of  another  power,  I  mean  the 
regulation  of  oar  trade. 

Jos.  Jones. 


EDWARD  CARRINGTON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

New  Yoek,  23  September,  1787. 

Mt  dear  Sir,  —  The  gentlemen  who  have  arrived  from  the  Con- 
vention inform  us  that  you  are  on  the  way  to  join  us.  Least,  however, 
you  may,  under  a  supposition  that  the  state  of  the  delegation  is  such  as 
to  admit  of  your  absence,  indulge  yourself  in  leisurely  movements,  after 
the  fatiguing  time  you  have  had,  I  take  this  precaution  to  apprise  you 
that  the  same  schism  which  unfortunately  happened  in  our  State  in 
Philadelphia,  threatens  us  here  also.  One  of  our  colleagues,  Mr.  R.  H. 
Lee,  is  forming  propositions  for  essential  alterations  in  the  Constitution, 
which  will,  in  effect,  be  to  oppose  it.  Another,  Mr.  Grayson,  dislikes 
it,  and  is,  at  best,  for  giving  it  only  a  silent  passage  to  the  States.  Mr. 
H.  Lee  joins  me  in  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be  warmly  recommended 
to  ensure  its  adoption.  A  lukewarmness  in  Congress  will  be  made  a 
ground  of  opposition  by  the  unfriendly  in  the  States.  Those  who  have 
hitherto  wished  to  bring  the  conduct  of  Congress  into  contempt,  will  in 
this  case  be  ready  to  declare  it  truly  respectable. 

Next  Wednesday  is  fixed  for  taking  under  consideration  this  business, 
and  I  ardently  wish  you  could  be  with  us. 

The  New  York  faction  is  rather  active  in  spreading  the  seeds  of 
opposition.  This  however  has  been  expected,  and  will  not  make  an 
impression  so  injurious  as  the  same  circumstance  would  in  other  States. 
Col.  Hamilton  has  boldly  taken  his  ground  in  the  public  papers,  and 
having  truth  and  propriety  on  his  side,  it  is  to  be  hoped  he  will  stem 
the  torrent  of  folly  and  iniquity. 

I  do  not  implicitly  accede  in  sentiment  to  every  article  of  the  scheme 
proposed  by  the  Convention,  but  I  see  not  how  my  utmost  wishes  are 
to  be  gratified  until  I  can  withdraw  from  society.  So  long  as  I  find 
it  necessary  to  combine  my  strength  and  interests  with  others,  I  must 
be  satisfied  to  make  some  sacrifices  to  the  general  accommodation.  I 
am,  &c 

Ed.  Carrinoton. 


K    ■i 


29 


J.  DAWSON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Frbdrsickbbuko,  25  September,  1787. 

.  .  .  The  proceedings  of  the  Convention  have  been  forwarded  by 
Mr.  Randolph,  to  Mess.  Mercer  and  Monroe,  and  are  at  this  moment 
the  subject  of  general  conversation  in  every  part  of  the  town,  and  will 
soon  be  in  every  quarter  of  the  State.  Opinions  have  already  been 
delivered,  and  that  work,  which  was  the  production  of  much  labor  and 
time,  has  been  iu  a  few  hours  either  damned  or  applauded,  according  to 
the  wish,  sentiments  or  interest  of  the  politician.  Altho'  there  are 
many  warm  friends  to  the  plan,  be  assured  that  the  opposition  will  be 
powerful.  Our  old  friend,  the  Col.  from  Frederick,  will,  I  think,  be 
much  alarmed,  and  will  not  fail  to  paiut  his  fears  in  strong  colors.  I 
also  thiuk  the  powerful  member  from  P.  E.  will  be  unfriendly.  A 
report  is  circulated  that  some  few  days  since  the  people  of  that  county 
(P.  E.)  were  assembled,  and  harangued  by  Mr.  H.  in  favor  of  a  paper 
currency.  That  a  Mr.  Smith  of  the  Academy,  opposed  the  scheme, 
that  on  a  decision  a  large  majority  coincided  with  Mr.  Smith.  That 
!Mr.  Smith  then  recommended  to  them  the  adoption  of  whatever  should 
be  done  in  convention  ;  to  which  they  agreed.  That  Mr.  H.  informed 
them,  that  they  should  no  longer  consider  him  as  their  representative. 

The  improbability  of  this  report  is  sufficient  to  destroy  its  authen- 
ticity, although  it  comes  well  supported,  and  I  think  we  may  recelTe 
it  in  part.  .  .  . 

J.  Dawson. 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON  TO  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Bekkelbt,  4  October,  1787. 
My  dear  Sir,  —  Your  favor  of  the  28th  ult°  got  to  me  two  days  ago: 
I  am  particularly  obligd  to  you  for  this  additional  mark  of  your  friend- 
ship, and  attention,  than  which,  there  are  very  few  things  indeed,  that 
can  be  more  acceptable :  I  feel  my  self  deeply  interested  in  every  thing 
that  you  have  had  a  hand  in,  or  that  comes  from  you,  and  am  so  well 
assured  of  the  solidity  of  your  judgment,  and  the  rectitude  of  your  inten- 
tions, that  1  shall  never  stick  at  trifles  to  conform  myself  to  your  opin- 
ions; in  the  present  instance,  I  am  so  totally  uninform'd  as  to  the 
general  situation  of  America,  that  I  can  form  no  judgment  of  the  neces- 
sity the  convention  was  under  to  give  us  such  a  constitution  as  it  has 
done :  If  our  condition  is  not  very  desperate,  I  have  my  fears  that  the 
remedy  will  prove  worse  than  the  disease.  Age  makes  men  often  over 
cautious  ;  I  am  willing  to  attribute  my  fears  to  that  cause,  but  from 
whatever  source  they  spring,  I  can  not  divest  myself  of  an  opinion,  that 
the  seeds  of  civil  discord  are  plentifully  sown,  in  very  many  of  the 


j.j^''''<7 


\m 

h  i 

11 

1, 


30 

powers  given  both  to  the  president  and  congress,  and  that  if  the  con- 
stitution is  carried  into  effect,  the  states  south  of  Potowmac,  will  be  little 
more  than  appendages  to  those  to  the  northward  of  it.     You  will  say 
that  general  charges  are  things  without  force,  they  are  so,  but  in  the 
present  instance,  I  do  not  withhold  particular  observations,  because  1 
want  them,  but  that  I  would  not  tire  your  patience,  by  entering  deeply 
into  a  subject,  before  I  had  heard  the  reasons  which  operated  with  them, 
in  favor  of  their  measures,  I  will  then  more  at  large  give  you  my  senti- 
ments, in  the  interim,  I  shall  only  say,  that  my  objections  chiefly  lay 
ag"'  the  unlimited  powers  of  taxation,  and  the  regulations  of  trade,  and 
the  jurisdictions  that  sre  to  be  established  in  every  State,  altogether 
independent  of  tlieir  laws.     The  sword,  and  such  powers  will;  nay  in 
the  nature  of  things  they  must  sooner  or  later,  establish  a  tyranny,  not 
inferiour  to  the  triumvirate,  or  centum  viri  of  Rome.     But  enough  of 
this,  till  another  opportunity,  in  the  meantime  I  have  only  to  add,  that 
I  am  with  the  most  unfeigned  attachment,  and  perfect  esteem,  &c. 

Benj.  Harrison. 


GEORGE  MASON  TO  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

GcNSTON  Hall,  7  October,  1787. 

...  I  take  the  Liberty  to  enclose  you  my  Objections  to  the  new 
Constitution  of  Government ;  which  a  little  Moderation  and  Temper,  iu 
the  latter  End  of  the  Convention,  might  have  removed.  I  am  however 
most  decidedly  of  Opinion,  that  it  ought  to  be  submitted  to  a  Conven- 
tion chosen  by  the  People,  for  that  special  Purpose ;  and  shoo'd  any 
attempt  be  made  to  prevent  the  calling  such  a  Convention  here,  such  a 
Measure  shall  have  every  opposition  in  my  Power  to  give  it. 

You  will  readily  observe,  that  my  Objections  are  not  numerous  (the 
greater  Part  of  the  enclosed  Paper  containing  reasonings  upon  the 
probable  effects  of  the  exceptionable  Parts)  tho'  in  my  mind,  some  of 
them  are  capital  ones.  .  .  . 

6.  Mason. 

PATRICK  HENRY  TO  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Richmond,  19  October,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  was  honor'd  by  the  Rec'.  of  your  Favor  together 
with  a  Copy  of  the  proposed  foederal  Constitution,  a  few  Days  ago, 
for  which  I  beg  you  to  accept  my  thanks.  They  are  also  due  to  you 
from  me  as  a  Citizen,  on  account  of  the  great  Fatigue  necessarily 
attending  the  arduous  Business  of  the  late  Convention. 

I  have  to  lament  that  I  cannot  bring  my  mind  to  accord  with  the 
proposed  Constitution.     The  Concern  I  feel  on  this  account,  is  really 


31 

greater  than  I  am  able  to  express.  Perhaps  mature  Reflection  may 
furnish  me  Reasons  to  change  my  present  Sentiments  into  a  conformity 
with  the  opinions  of  those  personages  for  whom  I  have  the  highest 
Reverence.  Be  that  as  it  may,  I  beg  you  will  be  perswaded  of  the 
unalterable  Regard  &  attachment  with  which  I  ever  shall  be,  Dear  Sir, 
your  obliged  and  very  humble  servant, 

P.  Henbt. 


\ 


J.  DAWSON  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Richmond,  19  October,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Your  favor  of  the  2nd  instant  I  received  in  due  time. 
Before  this  I  presume  you  have  heard  that  one  hundred  and  five  mem- 
bers attended  at  the  state  house  on  the  first  day.  Whether  this  is  to 
be  attributed  to  the  ten  pounds,  or  to  a  proper  sense  of  duty,  I  leave  * 
with  you  to  determine  —  perhaps  to  both.  On  motion  of  Col.  Mat- 
thews, seconded  by  Mr.  B.  Harrison,  Mr.  Prentis  was  called  to  the 
chair  without  any  opposition.  On  the  Wednesday,  the  Senate  elected 
Mr.  Jones  their  speaker.  A  number  of  papers  have  been  laid  before 
the  house  by  the  executive,  among  them  are  the  proceedings  of  the 
Convention,  as  forwarded  by  Congress. 

On  Thursday  next  we  are  to  go  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  house 
on  this  business.  Altho'  the  constitution  offered  has  some  able  oppo- 
nents, yet  there  is  a  decided  majority  in  favor  of  it.  There  will  be  no 
opposition,  I  think,  to  a  state  convention,  for  it  appears  to  be  the  gen- 
eral opinion  that  the  legislature  ought  to  send  the  constitution  to  the 
people  without  any  mark  either  of  censure  or  approbation.  I  enclose 
you  a  paper  in  which  you  will  find  a  piece  said,  with  truth  I  believe, 
to  be  written  by  Col.  Mason.  He  is  not  yet  arrived,  but  is  hourly 
expected. 

The  system  of  politicks  this  year  will  I  apprehend  be  too  much  like 
that  of  the  last.  Mr.  Nicholas  has  already  declared  in  favor  of  scaling 
the  provision  certificates  by  permitting  the  people  to  pay  their  certificate 
tax  by  a  fourth  of  the  sura  in  specie.  On  Tuesday  the  appointment 
of  Delegates  to  Congress  will  take  place.  I  suspect  Mr.  Harrison,  Col. 
Bland  and  Mr.  Corbin  will  be  brought  forward. 

The  freeholders  of  Fairfax  have,  in  the  most  pointed  terms,  directed 
Col.  Mason  to  vote  for  a  convention,  and  have  as  pointedly  assured 
him  he  shall  not  be  in  it.     With  much  respect,  &c 

J.  Dawson. 


[   < 


J 


I 


^ 


32 


ARCHIBALD  STUART  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Richmond,  21  October,  1787. 
Dear  Sir,  —  Contrary  to  custom  we  had  a  house  of  Delegates  on 
the  15th  inst:  and  proceeded  to  road  the  governor's  letter  with  its  en- 
closures. We  have  resolved  to  discontinue  the  additional  tax  of  6/  pr. 
hhd.  on  tobacco  exported  ;  to  amend  the  militia  law  by  furnishing  the 
militia  with  public  arms,  and  by  annexing  to  each  battalion  of  infantry 
a  small  troop  of  horse,  to  be  raised  by  voluntary  enlistment  and  ac- 
coutred at  their  own  expense. 

The  language  from  every  quarter  of  ye  House  is  ye  necessity  of  al- 
leviating the  publick  burthens,  and  at  the  same  time  supporting  the 
publick  credit  and  ye  certificate  tax,  our  only  sinking  fund,  I  fear,  will 
cease,  and  those  in  the  hands  of  the  holders  be  added  to  ye  mass  of  our 
funded  debt. 

Next  Thursday  is  set  apart  for  adopting  the  necessary  measures  for 
calling  a  Convention  on  ye  subject  of  ye  federal  Constitution.  From 
the  disposition  of  some  of  ye  members  I  fear  it  will  be  difficult  to  exe- 
cute that  business  without  entering  into  ye  merits  of  ye  Constitution 
itself. 

Mr.  Henry  has  upon  all  occasions,  however  foreign  in  subject,  at- 
tempted to  give  the  Constitution  a  side  blow.     Its  friends  are  equally 
'7>  .  .  warm  in  its  support  and  never  fail  to  pursue  him  through  all  his  wind- 

jj_^J»!^      K  ings.     From  what  I  can  learn  the  body  of  the  people  approve  ye  pro- 

*  posed  plan  of  government.     It  has,  however,  no  contemptible  opposition. 

,^  Our  two  dissenting  members  in  ye  Gen'l  convention,  P.  H.?,  ye  family 

of  Cabells,  St.  Geor'  Tucker,  J.  Taylor,  \V.  Nelson,  Gen'l  Nelson,  W. 
Ronald,  I  fear,  ye  Judges  I  am  told  except  P.  Carrington,  and  others 
too  tedious  and  at  the  same  time,  too  insignificant  to  mention. 
)  The  doctrine  of  installments  is  once  more  to  be  the  subject  of  debate, 

*  .  and  a  clog  to  ye  district  bill  an  incumbrance  which  I  fear  will  again 

(damn  that  important  measure. 
We  have  had  notice  that  a  commutation  of  tobacco  for  specie  in  pay- 
t        •  ^  ment  of  taxes  will  be  proposed,  ye  result  of  which  you  shall  shortly 

!{  know. 

Would  it  be  proper  that  the  ensuing  convention  should  also  reform 
our  State  constitution.  Ye  objections  to  these  innovations  are  that  in 
ye  mean  time  the  minds  of  men  are  agitated,  and  government  unhinged, 
and  as  we  are  about  to  encounter  this  and  every  other  objectipn,  would 
not  the  present  be  ye  most  favorable  crisis  for  this  important  business. 
I  am,  Sir,  &c. 

Arch?  Stuart. 


S3 


i 


EDWARD  CARRINGTON  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

New  York,  28  October,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  Lave  been  honoured  with  your  favor  of  the  4*  of 
August.  Inclosed  you  will  receive  a  copy  of  the  report  of  our  late 
federal  Convention,  which  presents,  not  amendments  to  the  old  confed- 
eration, but  an  entire  new  constitution.  This  work  b  short  of  the  ideas 
I  had  the  honor  to  communicate  to  you  in  June,  in  no  other  inBtanoe 
than  an  absolute  negative  upon  the  State  laws. 

When  the  report  was  before  Congress  it  was  not  without  its  direct 
opponents,  but  a  great  majority  were  for  giving  it  a  warm  approbation. 
It  was  thonght  best,  however,  by  its  friends,  barely  to  recommend  to 
the  several  legislatures  the  holding  of  conventions  for  its  consideration, 
rather  than  send  it  forth  with  even  a  single  negative  to  an  approbatory 
act.  The  people  do  not  scrutinize  terms.  The  unanimity  of  Congress 
in  recommending  a  measure  to  their  consideration,  naturally  implies 
approbation,  but  any  negative  to  a  direct  approbation,  would  have  dis- 
covered a  dissension,  which  would  have  been  used  to  favor  divisions  in 
the  St  ites.  It  certainly  behoved  Congress  to  give  a  measure  of  such 
importance,  and  resf)ectable  birth,  a  chance  in  the  deliberations  of  the 
people,  and  I  think  the  step  taken  in  that  body  well  adapted  to  this 
idea. 

The  project  is  warmly  received  in  the  Eastern  States,  and  has 
become  pretty  generally  a  subject  of  consideration  in  Town  meetings, 
and  other  Assemblies  of  the  people  ;  the  usual  result  whereof,  are 
declarations  for  its  adoption.  In  the  Middle  States  appearances  are 
generally  for  it,  but  not  being  in  habits  of  assembling  for  public  objects, 
as  is  the  case  to  the  Eastward,  the  people  have  given  but  few  instances 
of  collective  declarations.  Some  symptoms  of  opposition  have  appeared 
in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  In  the  former  only  in  individual 
publications,  which  are  attended  with  no  circumstances  evidencing  the 
popular  regard  ;  the  Governor  holds  himself  in  perfect  silence,  wishing, 
it  is  suspected,  for  a  miscarriage,  but  is  not  confident  enough  to  commit 
himself  in  an  open  opposition.  In  the  latter  the  opposition  has  assumed 
a  form  somewhat  more  serious,  but  under  circumstances  which  leave  it 
doubtful  whether  it  is  founded  in  objections  to  the  project,  or  the 
intemperance  of  its  more  zealous  friends.  The  Legislature  was  in 
session  in  Philadelphia  when  the  Convention  adjourned.  42  members 
were  for  immediately  calling  a  Convention,  before  the  measure  had 
received  the  consideration  of  Congress,  and  were  about  to  press  a  vote 
fur  that  purpose.  19  seceded  and  broke  up  the  House,  and  although 
they  afterwards  added  to  their  protest  against  the  intemperance  of  the 
majority,  some  objections  against  the  report,  yet  it  is  to  be  doubted 
whether  they  would  have  set  themselves  in  opposition  to  it  had  more 

S 


J 


34 


-<7r- 


iisf^-^C:/ 


i«^ 


i       : 

moderation  been  used.     The  next  morning  the  resolution  of  Congress 
arrived,  upon  which  the  42,  wanting  2  to  compleat  a  House  for  business, 
sent  their  sergeant  for  so  many  of  the  seceders,  who  were  brought  by 
force.     Whereupon   an   act  was  passed   for  calling  a  convention   in 
November.     The  seceders  are  from  the  upper  countries ;  have  carried 
their  discontents  home  with  them,  and  some  of  them  being  men  of  influ- 
ence will  occasion  an  inconvenience.     But  gentlemen  well  acquainted 
with  the  country  are  of  opinion  that  their  opposition  will  have  no  exten- 
sive effect,  as  there  is,  in  general,  a  coalescence  of  the  two  parties, 
which  have  divided  that  state  ever  since  the  birth  of  her  own  constitu- 
tion, in  support  of  the  new  government.     From  the  Southern  States 
we  are  but  imperfectly  informed.     Every  member  from  the  Carolinas 
and  Georgia,  as  well  in  convention,  as  Congress,  are  warm  for  the  new 
constitution ;  and  when  we  consider  the  ascendency  possessed  by  men 
of  this  description  over  the  people  in  those  States,  it  may  well  be  con- 
cluded that  the  reception  will  be  favorable.     In  Virginia  there  may  be 
some  difficulty.     Two  of  her  members  in  Convention,  whose  characters 
entitle  them  to  the  public  confidence,  refused  to  sign  the  report.     These 
were  Colo.  Mason  and  Governor  Randolph;  nor  was  that  State  with- 
out its  dissentients,  of  the  same  description  in  Congress.     These  were 
Mr.  R.  H.  Lee  and  Mr.  Grayson,  but  upon  very  opposite  principles; 
the  former,  because  it  is  too  strong ;  the  latter,  because  it  is  too  weak, 
[and  Colo.  H.  Lee  is  by  no  means  an  advocate.^]     The  Governor  has 
declared  that  his  refusal  to  sign  shall  not  be  followed  by  hostility  against 
the  measure ;  that  his  wish  is  to  get  the  exceptionable  parts  altered  if 
practicable ;  but  if  not,  that  he  will  join  in  its  support  from  the  necessity 
of  the  case. 

Mr.  Madison  writes  you  fully  upon  the  objections  from  Virginia,  and 
therefore  I  will  not  impose  on  your  patience  by  repeating  them ;  one, 
however,  being  merely  local,  and  an  old  source  of  jealousy,  I  will  present 
to  your  consideration  my  opinion  upon.  This  is  the  ability  of  a  bare 
majority  in  the  federal  government  to  regulate  commerce.  It  is  sup- 
posed a  majority  of  the  union  are  carriers,  and  that  it  will  be  for  the 
interest  and  in  the  power  of  that  majority  to  form  regulations  oppress- 
ing, by  high  freights,  the  agricultural  States.  It  does  not  appear  to  me, 
that  this  objection  is  well  founded.  In  the  first  place  it  is  not  true  that 
the  majority  are  carriers,  for  Jersey  and  Connecticut  who  fall  into  the 
division,  are  by  [no]  means  such.  And  New  York  and  Pennsylvania, 
who  also  are  within  that  division,  are  as  much  agricultural  as  carrying 
States :  but,  admitting  the  first  position  to  be  true,  I  do  not  see  that 
the  supposed  consequences  would  follow.  No  regulation  could  be  made 
on  other  than  general  and  uniform  principles.  In  that  case  every 
created  evil  would  effect  its  own  cure.  The  southern  States  possess 
*  Struck  oat  in  the  original. 


36 

more  materials  for  shipping  than  the  Eastern,  and  if  they  do  not  follow 

the  carrying  business  it  is  because  thej  are  occupied  in  more  lucrative 

pursuits.     A  rise  of  freights  would  make  that  an  object,  and  they  would 

readily   turn  to   it;  but  the   competition   amongst  the  Eastern  States 

themselves  would  be  sufficient  to  correct  every  abuse.     A  navigation 

act  ouj;ht  doubtless  to  be  passed  for  giving  exclusive  benefits  to  Ameri- 
can sliips.     This  would,  of  course,  serve  the  Eastern  States,  and  such 

in  justice  ought  to  be  the  case,  as   it  may  perhaps  be  that  no  other 

advantage    can   result   to   them   from   the    Revolution.       Indeed  it   is 

important  to  the  interests  of  the  Southern  States  that  the  growth  of 

a  navy  be  promoted,  for  the  security  of  that  wealth  which  is  to  be 

derived  from  their  agriculture. 

My   determination  to  join   in   the  adoption  results  from  compound 

consideration   of  the    measure  itself,    the    probable    issue   of   another 

attempt,  and  the  critical  state  of  our  affairs.     It  lias  in  my  mind  great 

faults ;  but  the  formers  of  it  met  under  powers  and  dispositions  which 

promised  greater  accommodation   in    their  deliberations    than    can   be 

expected  to  attend  any  future  convention.  The  particular  interests 
of  States  are  exposed  and  future  disputations  would  be  clogged  with 
distractions  and  biassed  by  the  presentiments  of  their  constituents. 
Hence  it  is  fairly  to  be  concluded  that  this  is  a  better  scheme  than 
can  be  looked  for  from  another  experiment.  On  these  considerations 
I  would  clearly  be  for  closing  with  it,  and  relying  upon  the  correction 
of  its  faults,  as  experience  may  dictate  the  necessary  alterations;  but 
when  I  extend  my  view  to  that  approaching  anarchy  which  nothing  but 
the  timely  interposition  of  a  new  government  can  avert,  I  am  doubly 
urged  in  my  wishes  for  the  adoption. 

Some  gentlemen  apprehend  that  this  project  is  the  foundation  of  a 
monarchy,  or  at  least  an  oppressive  aristocracy  ;  but  my  apprehensionb 
are  rather  from  the  inroads  of  the  democracy.  It  is  true  there  is  a 
preposterous  combination  of  powers  in  the  President  and  Senate,  which 

may  be  used  improperly ;  but  time  is  to  discover  whether  the  tendency  k^ 

of  abuse  will  be  to  strengthen  or  relax.  At  all  events  this  part  of  the 
Constitution  must  be  exceptionable ;  but  when  we  consider  the  degree 
of  democracy  of  which  the  scheme  itself  partakes,  with  the  addition  of 
that  which  will  be  constantly  operating  upon  it,  it  clearly  appears  to 
my  mind,  that  the  prevailing  infractions  are  to  be  expected  from 
thence.  As  state  acts  can  go  into  effect  without  the  direct  control  of 
the  general  government,  having  clearly  defined  the  objects  of  their 
legislation,  will  not  secure  the  federal  ground  against  their  encroach- 
ments, a  disposition  to  encroach  must  in  the  nature  of  the  thing  exist, 
and  the  democratic  branch  in  the  federal  legislature,  will  be  more 
likely  to  cover  their  approaches,  thau  resist  them. 

The  Western  Territory  belonging  to  the  United  States  has  more 


36 

X'  effectually  received  the  attention  of  Congress  daring  this  session  tban 

•      .  it  ever  did  before.     Inclosed  you   will  receive  the  ordinance  for  estab- 

f  lishing  a  temporary  government  there,  and  providing  for  its  more  easy 

'  passage  into  permanent  state  governments.     Under  the  old  arrangements 

the  country  might  upon  the  whole  have  become  very  populous,  and  yet 
be  inadmissible  to  the  rights  of  state  government,  which  would  have 
'  been  disgusting  to  them  and  ultimately  inconvenient  for  the  Kmpire. 

Ij  The  new  arrangement  depends  on  the  accession  of  Virginia,   which 

i  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  obtaining.     The  offices  of  the  T.  government 

}  are  filled  up  as  follows:  Genl.   St.   Clair,   Govf,  Winthrop  Sargent, 

1  Secretary,  Gen'l  Parsons,  Gen'  Armstrong,  Jr,   and  Gen'l.  Varnum, 

I  Judges. 

I  Seven  ranges   of  townships  are  surveyed;  they  extend  nearly   to 

I  Muskingum  and    contain   about  12    or    15   million  of   acres.     About 

'    ■  130,000  acres  have  been  sold  according  to  the  Ordinance.     The  sur- 

•'  veys  will  probably  go  no  further  in  strict  pursuance  of  the  ordinance, 

,  but  still  the  system  will  be  preserved  in  the  conditions  of  contracts  for 

J  large   tracts  of  the  country,  to  companies  of  adventurers.     The  first 

/■  instance  of  this  mode  presents  itself  in  an  authority  to  the  Treasury 

Board  in  August  last,  to  contract  with  a  large  company  of  New  Eng- 
landers  for  all  the  country  from  the  seventh  range  to  Scioto,  within  a 
due  west  line  to  be  continued  from  the  northern  boundary  of  the  tenth 
I  Township.     The  whole  of  this   tract  is  supposed  to  contain  about  5 

millions  of  acres.     The   terms  are  that  the   U.  S.  shall  survey  and 
^^^  ^  demark  the  external    boundaries,  and   ascertain   the   contents  of   the 

'  ''  tract.     The  Company  to  lay  it  out  at  their  own  expence,  into  town- 

ships and  sections  agreeably  to  the  ordinance,  subject  to  the  reserves 
therein  described,  except  that  one  of  the  sections  for  future  sale,  shall 
be  granted  for  the  purposes  of  religion,  and  there  are  also  two  com- 
plete townships  granted  for  an  University  in  or  near  the  middle  of  the 
tract.  All  other  lands,  good,  bad  and  indifferent,  to  be  paid  for  at 
2/3<^  of  a  dollar  per  acre,  half  in  securities,  excluding  the  interest,  half 
a  million  of  dollars  to  be  paid  down  upon  closing  the  contract,  and 
possession  taken  so  far  as  such  payment  will  cover.  Afterwards  pay- 
ment and  occupancy  are  to  go  on  pari  passu  at  certain  periods,  under 
certain  stipulations  of  reciprocal  insurance.  This  contract  is  now  actu- 
ally closed.  Another  offer  is  made  by  Judge  Symes  and  his  associates 
from  Jersey,  for  about  2  millions  between  the  Miami's,  upon  the  same 
terms,  and  sundry  other  propositions  are  forming.  Whereupon  Con- 
gress have  authorized  the  Treasury  Board  to  &e\\  by  contract  any 
quantity  not  less  than  a  million,  making  the  terms  of  the  Eastern 
company  the  ground,  with  deviations  from  the  grant  for  an  University, 
and  those  for  religion,  unless  the  tract  be  equally  large.  This  mode 
of  sale  will  relieve  the  U.  S.  of  much  expence,  and  the  progress  of 


i^*»* 


37 

Bales  promises  to  be  sufficiently  rapid  to  give  our  people  early  relief 
from  the  pressure  of  the  domestic  debt. 

I  am  iDclined  to  believe  that  some  successful  experimeut  might  be 
made  for  the  sale  [of]  a  part  of  this  territory  in  Europe,  and  have 
suggested  a  trial  with  a  few  ranges  of  the  surveyed  Townships.  It 
did  not  strike  Congress  as  eligible  and  of  course  no  step  was  taken 
in  it.  I  do  not  suppose  it  would  be  worth  while  to  try  the  project  on 
any  but  lands  actually  surveyed  and  well  described. 

We  have  received  no  accounts  from  Europe  since  your  August  de- 
spatches ;  of  course  the  state  of  things  there  are  in  considerable  obscurity 
as  to  us. 

Your  remarks  upon  the  French  loan  have  occasioned  some  discussion 
in  Congress,  but  many'  reasons  operate  to  prevent  an  assent  to  your 
proposition.  By  some  it  is  supposed  it  would  be  found  inconvenient 
to  shift  from  creditors  that  will  not  complain  of  our  delinquency,  to 
those  that  will  ;  by  others  that  we  have  reason  to  rely  upon  the  indul- 
gence of  France  in  the  case  of  a  debt  which  .was  contracted  for  the 
common  benefit  of  the  two  nations.  My  own  opinion  is  that  the  trans- 
fer ought  to  be  made,  if  practicable. 

Ed.  Carbinoton. 


DANIEL  CARROLL  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Near  Geobgetowk,  28  October,  1787. 

...  If  the  information  I  have  received  relating  to  this  State  can  be 
depended  on,  everything  I  hope  will  be  right.  Mr.  Carroll,  who 
waited  for  me,  soon  after  saw  Mr.  Johnson,  and  sends  me  word  that  he 
is  a  warm  friend.  That  Gentleman,  Mess.  Lee  and  Potts,  were  chosen 
the  following  week  representatives,  with  a  view  principally  of  prevent- 
ing mischief  and  forwarding  this  great  object.  Mr.  Chase  has,  I  hear, 
publi^hed  a  piece  under  the  signature  of  Caution,  which  indicates  an 
adverse  disposition.  He  has  bound  himself  to  propose  a  convention ; 
and  if  chosen  of  that  body  will  be  bound  to  ratify  the  proposed  federal 
government;  the  impression  in  Baltimore  being  strong  and  general  in 
favor  of  it. 

The  General  informed  me  that  Mr.  Houston  bad  called  on  him  in 
his  way  to  Georgia,  and  told  him  that  Mr.  Yates  (of  the  Convention) 
had  declared  himself  a  warm  friend.     Is  this  so  ? 

Col.  Mason  had  no.  set  off  for  the  assembly  when  I  heard  last  I 
overtook  him  and  the  Major  on  the  road.  By  the  time  they  had 
reached  within  9  miles  of  Baltimore,  they  had  exhausted  all  the  stories 
of  their  youth  &c.,  and  had  entered  into  a  discussion  of  the  rights  to 
the  Western  World.     You  know  they  are  champions  on  opposite  sides 


448997 


li! 


r 


>  ■'. 


i 


^ 


38 

of  this  question.  The  Major  having  pushed  the  Col.  hard  on  the 
charters  of  Virginia,  the  latter  had  just  waxed  warm,  when  his  char- 
ioteer put  an  end  to  the  dispute  by  jumbling  their  honors  together  by 
an  overset.  I  came  up  soon  after.  They  were  both  hurt.  The  Col. 
most  80.     He  lost  blood  at  Baltimore,  and  is  well.  .  .  . 

Dam'l  Cakroll. 


CHRISTOPHER  GADSDEN  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


Charleston,  29*  October,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  My  friend  Mr.  Izard  favored  me  with  a  sight  of  yours 

to  him  of  the  18*!"  JsovT  and  first  of  Aug!  last,  together  with  MT  de 

Calonne's  and  les  S?   Jean  Jaques  Berard  &.  Co.'s  letters  to  you,  the 

u  first  dated  22*?  October  1786,  encouraging  from  authority  the  opening 

and  fixing  a  general  trade  with  the  United  States,  the  other  proposing 

a  plan  of  mutual  commerce  between  this  place  and  France,  particularly 

respecting  rice,  which  I  have  read  with  great  pleasure  and  attention, 

i  wishing  it  to  be  carried  into  execution.     From  this  opening,  and  the 

honor  I  had  to  labor  with  you  formerly  in  the  political  vineyard,  I  take 

the  freedom  to  congratulate  you  on  the  noble  constitution  agreed  upon 

by  our  late  convention,  and  farther,  on   its  seeming  to  give  general 

satisfaction,  from  whence  't  is  hardly  doubted  it  will  be  adopted ;  if  so, 

and  it  is  firmly  and  efficiently  carried  into  execution,  a  new  and  impor- 

i  '    t^^'T^'  *  tant  epocha  must  arise  in  our  affairs.      The  apprehensions  strangers 

'**^'        \  '  were  under  for  some  time  past  discouraging  them  from  dealing  with 

-  us  so  largely  as  many  wished,  will  then  diminish  greatly,  and  in  a  ^hort 

"^  time  cease  altogether,  as  our  trade  would  soon  be  on  a  safe,  proper  and 

resj>ectable  footing,  uusubjected  in  future  to  frauds  from  paper  tenders, 

and  other  too  common,  unjustifyable  practices  from  unprincipled  D? 

very  prejudicial  to  their  C".     Besides  this  advantage  a  diminution  of 

that  pernicious  partiality  to  the  British  trade  will  in  my  opinion  follow 

I  of  course.     The  number  of  foreigners  that  will  from  other  than  inter- 

|i  ested  mercantile  views  frequent  us,  will  soon  tend  to  open  the  eyes  of 

J  our  countrymen  thoroughly   to   their  own   interest,  and  to  see  with 

(,  astonishment  to  what  a  paltry  customer  we  have  been  so  long  and 

losingly  attached,  and  that  maugre  all  their  sophistry,  that  the  trade 
of  France  and  Germany  are  of  ten  times  the  consequence  to  this  State 
than  theirs,  and  therefore  ought  by  prudent  traders  to  have  ten  times 
more  attention.  All  the  States  may  be  said  to  be  shopkeepers,  and 
what  folly  for  any  to  give  the  preference  to  that  nation  that  is  of  the 
least  importance  to  them,  that  consumes  the  smallest  quantity  of  their 
produce,  which  witli  regard  to  our  chief  staple,  rice,  is  the  case  of  Great 
Britain,  who  though  they  have  made  peace,  are  manifestly  far  from. 


*' 


39 

being  cordial  friends  with  us.  If  France  at  this  crisis,  continaed  her 
encouragemeuts,  fix  and  support  proper  shifting  ports  similar  to  that 
of  Cowes,  attentively  despatching  our  rice  ships,  she  will  in  no  long 
time,  from  the  advantage  of  her  being  so  almost  infinitely  a  greater 
consumer  of  that  article  than  G'  B?,  thin  the  business  to  that  Harbor, 
and  in  a  few  years  dwindle  it  to  nothing.  But  attention  and  patience 
in  commencement  are  everything. 

From  what  I  have  learned,  the  French  merchants  we  have  had  here, 
have  been  as  impolitic  in  their  method  of  introducing  a  trade  with  U8, 
as  most  of  our  people  in  trying  the  like  with  the  new  markets  opened 
to  us  since  the  peace.  We,  besides  the  infatuation  of  giving  the  British 
the  preference  of  our  direct  consignments  to  their  island,  have  as 
stupidly,  or  more  so,  even  in  our  few  essays  to  other  markets,  suffered 
them  to  be  conducted  under  their  auspices.  'Tis  natural  and  com- 
mendable for  all  powers  to  give  a  preference  to  their  own  subjects,  bat 
on  new  trials,  of  trade  especially,  quaery  whether  the  end  would  not  be 
sooner,  more  effectually,  and  generally  come  at  and  fixed,  by  employing 
men  of  the  place,  of  established  character  and  experience,  unsuspected 
of  any  improper  bias  to  the  British  interest,  well  acquainted  with  the 
nature  and  quality  of  the  articles  most  suitable  and  wanted,  for  a  few 
years  than  for  a  new  adventurer  speaking  a  different  language,  to  con- 
duct himself  through  the  medium  of  such  an  interpreting  clerk  as  he 
cin  pick  up;  but  this  has  been  the  method  generally  used  here  by  the 
French  merchants,  and  'tis  thought  the  cause  of  many  of  the  losses 
and  disgusts  they  have  experienced.  Few  people,  ours  particularly, 
like  to  close  their  bargains  but  with  the  principals.  This  city  does  not 
want  for  many  houses  of  this  character  mentioned,  among  others 
Messrs  Brailsford  &  Morris  are  well  established  here,  both  natives  of 
the  United  States,  the  first  of  this  city,  the  other  of  Philadelphia.  Mr. 
Morris  I  am  nearly  connected  with  as  having  married  my  daughter, 
and  should  be  happy  to  be  the  means  of  recommending  that  House  to 
any  unengaged  Friends. 

I  make  no  doubt  the  philosophic  part  of  Europe  will  admire  the 
constitution  recommended  by  our  convention,  the  trading  part  of 
G'  B°,  perhaps  many  of  them,  may  be  jealous  of  it  considered  in  a 
commercial  view  in  its  probable  consequences  to  them  by  increasing 
the  means  of  opening  the  eyes  of  America  and  exposing  many  rooted 
prejudices  to  them  particularly.  I  have  little  doubt  ^  that  part  of  the 
Island  who  so  generally  and  pointedly  hung  upon  our  skirts  during  the 

^  Those  subtil,  dextrous,  long  trained,  svstematical  opponents  well  knowing 
the  constitution  recommended  must  be  approved  of  in  toto,  or  not  at  all,  there- 
fore would  seem  to  approve  of  it  as  highly  as  any  the  most  zealous  for  it,  onlj 
with  an  all  but  which  but  altered,  would  gain  they  would  pretend  universal  satia- 
faction,  that  it  may  be  deferred  for  that  mighty  reasonable  But,  to  another  con- 
vention, hoping  that  will  never  happen,  and  so  the  bubble  burst  of  coarse. 


'ji 


I  40 


\     "I 

i'.i 


;    t 


p-1 


whole  war  will  not  be  less  busy  on  this  occasion.  For  my  part  I  bless 
God  to  have  lived  to  see  this  important  point  in  so  fair  a  way  to  be 
accomplished,  and  if  I  live  to  see  it  completely  so,  I  shall  be  apt  to  cry 
out  with  old  Simeon,  "  Now  may  thy  servant  depart  in  peace,  for  mine 
eyes  have  seen  thy  salvation."  .  .  . 

Chris  :  Gadsden. 


JOSEPH  JONES  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 


RiCHMOHD,  29  October,  1787. 
i    J    ;     =  Dear  Sir,  —  On  my  arrival  in  Richmond  the  other  day  I  found 

'  your  favor  of  the  T'.*"  from  New  York,  with  some  newspapers  inclosed. 

Mr.  Thomas  Pleasants  who  called  on  me  the  next  day  inquired  whether 
I  had  lately  heard  from  you,  which  being  acknowledged  brought  for- 
^  ward  a  conversation  on  the  new  constitution,  and  finding  him  a  strenu- 

;'    I  ous  advocate  for  it  I  asked  if  he  had  seen  or  read  some  pieces  in  favor 

«• .  1-  of  it  under  the  signature  of  au  American  citizen.     He  said  he  had  not. 

I     '.  I  then  informed  him  I  had  received  some  papers  frotu  you,  which  con- 

tained three  numbers  on  the  subject  and  did  not  doubt  he  would  be 
pleased  with  the  perusal  of  them ;  whereupon  he  signified  his  desire  to 
possess  them.  When  I  delivered  them  to  him  I  told  him  it  would  not 
I  thought  be  amiss  they  were  put  into  the  printer's  hands,  that  be 
might,  if  he  thought  proper,  insert  them  in  the  newspaper  here.  He 
said  he  would  tliink  of  it,  and  I  have  not  seen  him  since.  I  shall 
speak  to  him  on  the  subject  as  soon  as  I  meet  with  him,  but  have  no 
doubt  he  will  endeavour  to  have  them  printed. 

I  must  confess  I  see  many  objections  to  the  constitution  submitted 
to  the  conventions  of  the  States.  That  which  has  the  greatest  weight 
with  me  lies  against  the  constitution  of  the  Senate,  which  being  both 
legislative  and  executive,  and  in   some  respects  judiciary,  is  I  think 

(radically  bad.     The  President  and  the  Senate  too  may  in  some  instances 
',  legislate  for  the  Union,  without  the  concurrence  of  the  popular  branch, 

:     i  ^  ^^^y  ™ay  make  treaties  and  alliances  which  when  made  are  to  be 

}l     •  paramount  [with]  the  law  of  the  land.     The  State  spirit  will  also  be 

J;  preserved  in  the  Senate,  as  they  are  to  have  equal  numbere  and  equal 

votes.  It  is  to  be  feared  this  body  united  with  the  President,  as  on 
most  occasions  it  is  to  be  presumed  they  will  act  in  concert,  will  be  an 
overmatch  for  the  popular  branch.  Had  the  Senate  been  merely  legis- 
ative  even  proportioned  as  they  are  to  the  States,  it  would  have  been 
less  exceptionable  ;  and  the  President  with  a  member  from  each  State 
as  a  privy  council  to  have  composed  the  Executive.  There  is  also  a 
strong  objection  against  the  appellate  jurisdiction  over  law  and  fact, 
independent  of  a  variety  of  other  objections,  which  are  and  may  be 
raised  against  the  judiciary  arrangements,  and  the  undefined  powers  of 


41 

that  Department.  I  own  I  should  have  been  pleased  to  see  a  declara- 
tion of  rights  accompany  this  constitution,  as  there  is  so  much  in  the 
execution  of  the  government  to  be  provided  for  by  the  legislature,  and 
that  body  possessing  too  great  assertion  of  aristocracy.  The  legislature 
mav,  and  will  probably  make  proper  and  wise  regulations  in  the  judi- 
ciary, as  in  the  execution  of  that  branch  of  power  the  citizens  of  all 
the  States  will  generally  be  equally  affected.  But  the  reflection  that 
there  exists  in  the  constitution  a  power  that  may  oppress,  makes  the 
mind  uneasy,  and  that  oppression  may  and  will  result  from  the  appellate 
power  of  unsettling  facts  does  to  me  appear  beyond  a  doubt.  To 
rehearse  the  doubts  and  ditficulties  that  arise  in  my  mind  when  I 
reflect  on  this  part  of  the  judiciary  power  would  I  am  sure  to  you  be 
unnecessary. 

It  would  be  more  troublesome  than  useful  to  recite  the  variety  of 
objections  that  some  raise ;  some  of  more,  others  of  inconsiderable 
weif^ht.  Could  I  see  a  change  in  the  constitution  of  the  Senate  and 
the   right  of  unsettling  facts  removed  from  the  Court  of   Appeals,  I  ^  . 

could  with  much  less  reluctance  yield  ray  assent  to  the  system.  I  could 
wish,  1  own,  to  see  some  other  alterations  take  place,  but  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  them,  I  would  trust  to  time  and  the  wisdom  and  modera- 
tion of  the  legislature,  rather  than  impede  the  putting  the  new  plan  in 
motion,  was  it  in  my  power,  because  I  well  know  our  desperate  situa- 
tion under  the  present  form  of  government.  It  is  at  this  time  very 
diflficult  to  inform  you  what  is  the  prevalent  opinion  among  the  people. 
If  we  are  to  judge  of  them  at  large  from  their  representatives  here,  they 
must  be  very  much  divided  and  I  think  the  advocates  for  the  new  plan 
rather  diminish  than  increase  in  number.  You  will  have  from  the 
Executive  an  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Houses  on  the  report 
of  the  Convention.  I  think  they  have  taken  a  wise  course  in  delivering 
it  over  to  the  people  without  conveying  sentimentfi  of  approbation  or 
disapprobation.  At  present  nothing  of  consequence  except  the  refer- 
rincr  to  the  people  the  new  constitution  has  beer  done  in  the  Assembly. 
Tomorrow  they  are  to  discuss  the  recommendation  of  Congress  respect- 
ing British  debts.  I  think  there  will  be  a  majority  in  the  delegates 
for  the  repeal  of  the  laws.  How  it  will  go  down  in  the  Senate, 
I  am  unable  to  calculate.     You   shall  be  occasionally  informed  how 

we  go  on. 

Jos.  Jones. 


A.  DONALD  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

Richmond,  12  November,  1787. 
Dkar  Sir,  —  Many  thanks  to  you  for  your  very  friendly  and  polite 
letter  of  the  28f'  July. 


ill 


42 


You  will  DO  doubt  have  seen  before  this  time  the  result  of  the  delib- 
erations of  the  Convention,  which  was  assembled  at  Philadelphia  last 
summer  for  revising  and  amending  the   Federal  Constitution.     I  am 
sorry  to  say  it  is  like  to   meet  with  strong  opposition  in  this  State,  at 
this  moment,  but  believe  that  a  great  majority  of  the  people  approve 
of  it,  but  I  can  easily  conceive  that  interested  men  will  do  everything 
in  their  power,  between  this  and  the  electing  of  our  State  convention, 
to  poison  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  get  them  perswaded  to  give  their 
votes  to  such  gentlemen  as  they  knaw  are  decidedly  against  the  adop- 
tion of   the  new   constitution.     I  will  not  presume   to   be  competent 
to  give  an  opinion  on  such  a  complex  subject,  but  I  can  see  that  there 
may  be  some  objections  made  to  it,  but  still  it  is  my  sincere  opinion  that 
the  adoption  of  it  will  be  the  salvation  of  America ;  for  at  present  there 
is  hardly  the  semblance  of  law  or  government  in  any  of  the  States, 
and  for  want  of  a  superior  power  over  the  whole,  a  dissolution  seems 
to  be  impending.     I    staid    two   days  with   General    Washington   at 
Mount  Vernon  about  six  weeks  ago.     He  is  in  perfect  good  health,  and 
looks  almost  as  well  as  he  did  twenty  years  ago.     I  never  saw  him  so 
keen   for  anything  in   my  life  as  he  is  for  the  adoption  of  the  new 
scheme  of  government.     As  the  eyes  of  all  America  are  turned  towards 
this  truly  great  and  good  man  for  the  first  President  I  took  the  liberty 
of  sounding  him  upon  it.     He  appeare  to  be  earnestly  against  going  into 
public  life  again ;  pleads  in  excuse  for  himself  his  love  of  retirement 
and   his   advanced  age,   but  notwithstanding  of  these,   I  am  fully  of 
opinion  he  may  be  induced  to  appear  once  more  on  the  publick  stage  of 
life.     I  form  my  opinion  from  what  passed  between  us  in  a  very  long 
and  serious  conversation,  as  well  as  from  what  I  could  gather  from 
Mrs.  Washington  on  same  subject. 

Our  Assembly  are  now  sitting ;  they  have  not  yet  done  much  busi- 
ness, but  what  has  been  done  is  highly  commendable.  They  have  in 
very  strong  and  pointed  language  thrown  out  a  proposal  for  emitting 
paper  money,  and  they  iiave  repealed  the  Port  Bill  which  was  attended 
with  numberless  inconveniences  to  the  merchants.  At  the  request  of  Col° 
George  Mason,  I  have  drawn  up  a  plan  for  a  new  bill,  which  will  more 
effectually  secure  the  revenue  than  the  former,  and  will  remove  the 
many  objections  that  mercantile  people  had  to  the  last  Till  this  As- 
sembly an  idea  seemed  to  prevail  almost  universally  that  the  landed 
and  commercial  interests  were  opp^ised  to  each  other.  I  have  been  at 
great  pains  to  do  away  this  erroneous  opinion,  and  from  the  laws  that 
have  l>een  made  for  two  years  past,  such  unexpected  consequenccR 
have  followed,  that  the  minds  of  the  people  are  now  disposed  to  hear 
reasoning  upon  the  su!  ^.ct  of  trade  from  those  who  have  been  long 
engaged  in  it.  An  instalment  bill  for  paying  debts  engrosses  much 
time  and  attention.     This  is  a  favorite  child  of  your  friend  ColP  George 


\    i 


43 


Nicholas.  I  have  only  one  objection  to  it  upon  the  principles  they 
talk  of,  and  that  is  the  precedent.  I  am  satisfied  that  'take  the  State 
altot'ether,  it  owes  more  money  than  its  lands  can  produce  for  three 
years.  Therefore  the  debts  cannot  be  paid  in  that  time.  I  would  be 
for  giving  four  years  which  surely  would  be  much  better  for  the  cred- 
itors than  going  to  law,  when  I  could  not  obtain  a  judgment  in  less 
than  seven,  and  if  the  sum  is  considerable,  he  roust  follow  his  debtor 
into  the  Court  of  Appeals,  and  from  thence  into  Chancery.  And  after 
troinor  through  every  court,  when  he  has  an  .execution  served  upon  the 
estate  of  his  debtor,  the  last  reply  vies  (this  is  a  new  trick)  and  in 
short  every  delay  and  chicanery  is  made  use  of,  to  stave  off  the  pay- 
ment of  first  debts ;  and  this  country,  which  is  blessed  by  nature  with 
many  advantages,  is  likely  to  go  to  anarchy  and  ruin,  for  want  of  a 
proper  execution  of  the  laws,  and  of  a  firm  and  efficient  goverament.  .  .  . 

A.  Donald. 


SAMUEL  POWEL  TO  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

13  November,  1787. 
It  is  said  that  R.  H.  Lee  escaped  the  resentment  of  the  People  at 
Chester  by  his  short  stay  there,  which  he  employed  in  fixing  up  and  dis- 
tributing printed  Papers  against  the  proposed  Constitution.  At  Wil- 
mington he  harangued  the  Populace  and  cautioned  them  against  hastily 
adopting  it,  assuring  them  that  a  powerful}  opposition  was  forming 
against  it  in  Philadelphia,  and,  in  Confirmation  of  bis  Assertions  dis- 
tributed many  of  his  inflammatory  Papers.  On  such  conduct  there  can 
be  but  one  comment  made. 


i 


JOSEPH  JONES  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Richmond,  22  November,  1787. 
Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  your  letter  of  the  26'*"  of  October  and  have  this 
day  obtained  from  Mr.  Thompson  the  survey  of  the  upper  part  of 
James  River,  and  shall  to  morrow  morning  have  an  answer  from  Mr. 
Lambert  (to  whom  I  was  advised  as  a  proper  person  to  copy  it)  whether 
he  will  undertake  to  do  it.  If  he  does,  the  work  will  perhaps  be  well 
executed.  Should  he  decline  doing  it,  my  endeavours  shall  not  be 
wanting  to  engage  some  other  person  to  undertake  the  execution  of  it, 
and  forward  it  to  you  as  early  as  I  am  able.  There  are  uo  wild  crab 
trees  that  I  can  hear  of  near  this  place,  except  at  Col  R.  Goode's,  who 
I  am  told  has  a  few  trees  standing  in  one  of  his  inclosures,  where 
probably  some  sprouts  may  be  got,  if  not  injured  by  the  cattle.     I  will 


'fs 


1 


;    '    t 


Ij 


44 

send  there  for  the  purpose,  and  if  they  can  be  obtained  contrive  them 
to  you  as  safely  as  I  can. 

Tlie  Assembly  have  not  yet  passed  any  act  of  consequence.  British 
debts,  installments  and  the  circuit  or  district  plan  of  jurisprudence  are 
under  consideration.  There  is  great  diversity  of  opinion  on  these 
subjects.  One  party  presses  forward  the  removing  impediments  to 
the  full  fulfillment  of  the  treaty ;  another  for  removing  the  legal  im- 
pediments by  one  bill  and  introducing  installments  by  another;  a  third 
class  think  the  recommendation  of  Congress  respecting  the  treaty  had 
better  lie  unmoved  until  the  Convention  shall  have  decided  on  the  new 
constitution  of  government.  The  introducer  of  the  British  debt  propo- 
sition suspending  the  law  if  it  shall  pass  until  the  other  States  pass 
similar  laws,  is  the  introducer  of  the  plan  of  installments  for  these  and 
all  other  private  debts ;  and  from  the  manner  in  which  the  business  is 
managed  will  probably  lose  the  whole. 

This  day  a  Committee  of  the  whole  are  upon  allowing  tobacco  to  be 
received  as  a  commutable  in  taxes.  The  price  at  these. warehouses  and 
Manchester,  &c.  30/  ;  those  at  the  heads  of  the  other  rivers  28/,  and  so 
on  with  all  the  other  warehouses,  in  the  same  ratio  of  increase  on  the 
prices  of  last  year  as  fixed  by  law,  and  from  the  spirit  of  accommodation 
which  seemed  to  govern  to  day,  from  what  prevailed  a  few  days  past 
when  the  subject  was  first  debated,  I  think  the  measure  will  succeed. 

The  new  plan  of  government  is  still  very  much  the  subject  of  con- 
versation.    I  mix  little  in  the  crowd  and  am  unable  as  yet  to  form  any 
estimate  whether  it  gains  or  loses  ground  with  the  members  of  the 
legislature.     Whereon   I  hear  the  subject  agitated   I  find  gentlemen 
pretty  much  divided,  each  party  appears  to  maintain  its  opinions  with 
apparent  zeal.     After  a  while  more  temper  will  prevail,  and  the  excel- 
lencies or  defects  of  the  system  be  treated  with  less  prejudice  and  more 
moderation.     I  much  doubt  whether  the  people  in  this  State,  whatever 
may  be  the  situation  of  men's  minds  in  other  States,  are  yet  ripe  for 
the  great  change  which   the  new  plan   will  ultimately  effecL     There 
would  have  been  less  repugnance  to  it  here  had  the  judiciary  been  less 
exceptionable,  and  the  Executive  and  legislative  had   been  separate. 
The  true  hne,  could  it  have  been  hit,  was  to  have  yielded  full  manage- 
ment of  all  exterior  matters  to  Congress,  leaving  interior  matters  to  The 
States,  so  far  as  the  power  of  regulating  trade  as  well  between  other 
nations  as  the  States  would  have  admitted  of.     With  a  court  of  appeals 
properiy  constituted  for  administering  justice  ultimately  to  aU  ^e. 
and  with  some  means  of  coercion,  not  violent  or  military- some  8u<A 
J^lpro^•ements  our  State,  from  all  I  can  learn,  would  have  not  hesitated 
in  yielding  their  part  to.     The  great  change  proposed  will  I  think  meet 
with  strong  opposition,  though  it  may  be  adopted.     Could  the  consti- 
tution of  the  Senate  be  varied  and  the  judiciary  be  better  established 


46 

than  it  now  stands  ou  the  paper,  I  could  more  willingly  give  the  Con- 
stitution my  assent.  As  it  stands,  I  shall  receive  it  with  reluctance. 
The  4'?'  number  of  the  American  Citizen  has  been  printed  here  in 
Davis's  paper.  The  three  numbers  you  sent  me  were  printed  and  in 
the  same  paper. 

Jos.  Jones. 


JOSEPH  JONES  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

RicuHOMD,  IS'.*"  December,  1787. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Mr.  Lambert  has  executed  Col.  Thompson's  survey  of 
James  River,  excepting  that  part  of  il  that  comprehends  the  canal. 
For  a  sketch  of  this  part  he  depends  ou  Mr.  Harris,  the  manager  of 
the  work,  who  has  not  yet  been  pleased  to  furnish  it.  I  shall  if  the 
day  is  fair  ride  there  to-morrow  myself  and  prevail  on  Hjirris  to  give 
me  a  sketch  of  it  that  Mr.  Lambert  may  complete  the  business,  which 
I  think  he  has  executed  exceeding  well.  Col.  R.  Goo<le  has  promised 
me  to  endeavour  to  procure  as  many  wild  crab-tree  scions  as  you  wrote 
for,  but  having  heard  nothing  from  him  since  I  made  the  request, 
Anthony  has  gone  over  to  try  what  he  can  do  about  them.  I  fear,  if 
they  shall  be  procured,  an  opportunity  will  not  offer  that  can  convey 
them  by  the  time  you  proposed. 

The  Legislature  have  proceeded  so  slowly  in  the  public  business,  and 
have  even  now  concluded  so  few  things  of  consequence  that  they  are 
scarce  worth  mentioning.  The  Delegates  will  pass  the  District  bill, 
and  it  is  probable  the  Senate  will  do  the  same;  but  of  this  there  is 
some  doubt.  This  measure  would  not  have  succeeded  but  for  its  being 
accompanied  with  another  bill  called  a  bill  for  amending  the  execution 
law,  which  it  is  said  is  calculated  to  give  some  relief  to  debtors,  without 
any  direct  interference  with  private  contracts.  The  principal  object  of 
this  bill  is  to  appoint  commissioners  to  act  on  oath  to  determine,  instead 
of  the  sheriff,  whether  the  property  offered  for  sale  under  executions  ,! 

goes  at  three-fourths  the  value.  If  they  do  not,  the  sale  may  be  post- 
poned on  bond  and  security  being  given  to  pay  in  twelve  months,  which 
at  the  end  of  the  term,  shall  be  carried  into  a  judgment  on  motion  and 
no  further  delay  obtained  if  the  money  is  not  punctually  paid.  It  is 
proposed  these  bills  shall  go  together  and  commence  the  fir»t  of  June 
next.  The  revenue  bills  are  to  be  considered  by  a  committee  this  day. 
A  short  law  has  passed  making  some  appropriations  for  a  sinking  fund, 
the  produce  to  be  applied  by  the  executive  to  purchasing  public  securi- 
ties carrying  interest.  The  revenue  bill  at  present  makes  further  pro- 
vision for  this  fund,  but  how  it  will  terminate  depends  on  the  pleasure 
of  the  two  houses.  A  new  naval  office  bill  is  before  a  committee,  but 
not  yet  reported.     We  are  told  you  mean  to  come  in  and  give  m  your 


1    > 


'J 
■>  } 


ii       ' 


I  ! 


46 

assistance  in  the  Convention.  I  hope  you  will  do  so.  Publius  is  vari- 
ously ascribed  to  M — d — n,  Ha — It — n,  J — y.  It  is  certainly  among 
the  first  publications  on  the  subject  of  the  new  constitution  of  govern- 
ment. AVhat  has  been  done  by  the  States  on  the  business  and  when 
do  their  conventions  assemble  ? 

Jos.  Jones. 


JOSEPH  JONES  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Spring  Hill,  21  January,  1788. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  beg  your  pardon  for  omitting  to  write  to  you  the 

last  two  or  tiiree  weeks.     I  have  been  little  in  Richmond  during  that 

period  and  of  late  have  been  confined  by  an  attack  of  the  rheumatism 

which  though  very  painful  for  two  or  three  days,  has  now  left  me. 

I  mean,  nothing  unforeseen  preventing,  to  visit  Richmond  next  week. 

Before  I  came  away  Col.  Goode  had  sent  me  a  good  many  slips  of  the 

wild  crab  tree,  but  not  one  scion.     These  I  knew  would  not  answer 

your  purpose  aud  threw  them  away.     He  informed  me  there  was  not 

a  scion  to  be  got.     Mr.  Selden  could  not  discover  any  of  the  trees  on 

his  place.     The  scion  I  suspect  is  not  easily  procured  unless  from  trees 

that  can  be  found  under  inclosure.     The  season  being  now  past  for 

sending  thera  to  New  York  in  time  for  planting  could  they  be  procured, 

VKf^  •  you  must  desire  your  friend  to  have  patience  until  next  fall,  by  which 

^  time  I  doubt  not  to  be  able  to  gratify  him.    I  think  I  have  seen  several 

of  them  near  where  Col.  Carter  resides.     The  tree  at  Col.  Goode's 
bears  the  largest  apple  for  a  wild   crab  I  ever  saw.      The  servant 
brought  me  one  of  them  with  the  slips  as  large  as  a  hen's  ego  and  of 
,    I  very  agreeable  scent.  * 

\  I  I  "^^^  "*P  o^  Jan^es  River  was  completed  when   I  left  Richmond, 

^  ^  '  ®*^P'  ^^^  trace  of  the  canal,  which  being  a  material  part  of  it  more 

on  account  of  the  notes  of  reference  than  any  difficulty  in  laying  it 
down,  I  declined  receiving  it  from  Mr.  Lambert  until  these  were 
added.  Mr.  Harris,  the  manager  of  the  work,  although  he  had  prom- 
ised to  furnish  me  them  had  not  then  complied  with  his  promise. 
Lambert  promised  me  if  he  did  not  soon  do  so,  he  would  ride  up  to 
his  house  near  the  canal  and  obtain  his  sketch  and  notes.  Would  you 
have  the  map  forwarded  to  New  York  by  some  safe  hand  that  offers 
or  retain  ,t  here  until  you  come  in  in  March  which  I  hear  you  intend 
doing.     It  will  be  too  large  for  a  letter  by  post. 

The  Assembly  have  passed  the  District  plan  in  a  law,  much  changed, 
I  am  told,  from  the  former  plan.  Not  having  seen  the  law  I  can  speak 
only  from  information:  there  are  eighteen  districts;  four  additional 
judges  of  the  general  court;  [?]  of  the  general  court  judges  ride  the 


47 

upper  districts,  three  to  a  circuit ;  the  chancellors  and  admiralty  judges 

take  the  six  lower  districts  ;   chancery,  admiralty  and  appeal  courts  as 

heretofore.      District   courts    take   cognizance  of  no   demands   under 

30  /.     Civil  process  commences  1^  January  next;  the  criminal,  I  am 

informed,  some  time  in  the  fall.      The  judges  have  20/  each  a  day 

aud  5  d.  per  mile  during  their  journeys,  I  think  in  addition  to  former 

allowance.     So  it  stood  in  the  bill  and  is  so,  I  presume,  in  the  law.  ; 

The  lawyers  fees  15/ and  30/  —  the  same  as  the  county  courts.     The 

revenue  law,  which  is  also  the  appropriation  law,  is  calculated  to  lessen 

all  it  may  the  state  debt,  I  mean  the  internal  debt.     The  certiBcate  'i 

tax  is  taken  off,  and  an  additional  duty  on  certain  enumerated  articles 

and  3  per  cent  on  other  goods,  payable  in  certificates,  is  the  present 

plan  for  sinking  them. 

Jos.  Jones. 


JOSEPH  JONES  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

RiCBHOND,  14'>  February,  178a 
Dear  Sir, —  From  Fredericksburg  I  informed  you  of  the  issue  of 
my  endeavour  to  procure  the  crab  tree  scions.  On  my  return  to  Rich- 
mond I  found  the  chart  of  James  River  in  the  state  it  was  when  I  left 
that  place.  Mr.  Lambert  says  after  waiting  some  time  in  expectation 
of  hearing  from  Harris  respecting  the  canal  he  at  length  finding  he  did 
not  call  on  him  rode  to  his  house  but  was  disappointed  in  meeting  with 
him.  The  trace  of  the  canal  is  noted  on  the  map,  but  some  descriptive 
notes  are  wanting  to  make  it  more  complete.  These  I  am  in  hopes  I 
shall  obtain  to  morrow  from  Mr.  Harris  whom  I  have  just  seen,  and 
he  promises  me  they  shall  be  left  out  at  his  house  in  the  morning 
should  business  occasion  his  absence  when  I  call.  Col.  Heth  being 
soon  to  set  out  for  New  York  I  shall,  if  ready,  as  I  expect  it  will, 
confide  the  conveyance  and  delivery  of  it  to  him. 

Your  two  last  favors  I  have  received,  —  that  of  the  251"  since  my 
arrival  here,  and  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  communications  they 
contain.  S.  Adams's  silence  as  to  the  new  plan  of  government,  if 
not  calculated  to  secure  him  a  seat  in  the  Convention,  proceeded  very 
probably  from  his  desire  of  discovering  the  temper  of  the  people  in 
general,  before  he  took  a  decided  part.  This,  with  the  admission  of 
Gerry  to  a  seat  in  the  Convention  when  not  a  member,  and  the  great 
number  that  compose  the  body,  are  unfavorable  circumstances,  and 
authorize  a  conjecture  that  the  new  system  will  not  be  adopted  by 
Massachusette.  Should  that  State  give  it  a  negative  and  not  proceed 
to  offer  some  amendments  and  propose  another  convention,  I  fear  it 
will  produce  disagreeable  consequences,  as  it  will  not  only  confirm 
New  York  in  her  opposition  but  contribute  greatly  to  strengthen  the 


' 


]'!' 


J'r*^*  f> 


% 


1      i 

I 


48 


opposition  in  the  States  that  are  yet  to  consider  the  measure.  If  nine 
States  assented  before  Virginia  meets  in  convention,  her  course  I  think 
will  be  to  adopt  the  plan,  protesting  or  declaring  her  disapprobation  of 
those  parts  she  does  not  approve  of.  Or  if  not  agreed  to  by  nine,  she 
will  in  that  case  propose  amendments  and  another  general  Convention. 
H — y  will,  I  think,  use  all  his  influence  to  reject  at  all  events,  but  am 
satisfied  those  who  are  for  it  as  it  stands,  and  those  who  wish  some 
alterations  in  it  before  its  adoption,  if  circumstances  authorize  the 
attempt,  will  be  greatly  the  majority.  What  change  may  be  produced 
should  Massachusetts  reject  cannot  well  be  foreseen.  I  think,  how- 
ever, in  that  event  Virginia  will  propose  amendments  and  another 
Convention,  and  I  trust  such  will  be  the  conduct  of  Massachusetts, 
rather  than  hazard  a  loss  of  the  system,  and  the  mischievous  conse- 
quences that  may  result  from  disagreement  and  delay.  I  congratulate 
my  friend  Griffin  on  his  being  placed  in  the  chair  to  whom  be  pleased 
to  present  my  best  wishes.  R — d — h,  R.  H.  L.,  M — n  have  been 
assailed  in  our  papers.  The  enclosed  will,  if  you  have  not  seen  them, 
exhibit  some  specimens,  and  serve  to  amuse  you. 

Jos.  Jones. 


JOSEPH  JONES  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Richmond,  17  February,  1788. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Col.  Heth  came  to  town  and  proceeded  on  his  journey 
sooner  than  I  expected  and  before  I  had  an -opportunity  of  seeing  Mr. 
Harris.  After  calling  upon  him  and  getting  the  survey  of  the  canal, 
I  found  little  information  could  be  collected  from  it  and  inserted  in  the 
map.  I  have  therefore  sent  what  Mr.  Lambert  had  executed  by  Col. 
Henley,  who  I  understand  means  to  go  on  to-morrow  and  has  promised 
to  deliver  it  safe  to  you.  Some  notes  respecting  the  canal,  obtained 
from  Mr.  Harris's  information,  I  send  enclosed.  They  may  be  useful 
if  anything  beyond  the  labour  of  Mr.  Lambert  is  intended. 

We  anxiously  wait  for  the  decision  of  the  Massachusetts  convention. 
Turn  as  it  may,  the  deliberations  of  the  States  yet  to  meet  will  be 
greatly  affected  by  what  shall  be  determined  by  that  body.  Davis's 
next  paper  will,  I  expect,  contain  another  publication  under  the  signa- 
ture of  Cassius  against  R.  H.  L.  You  shall  have  it  if  printed.  The 
plain  dealer  is  supposed  from  the  manuscript  to  come  from  Essex 
R— ne.i  Pray  do  not  fail  to  keep  me  informed  from  time  to  time  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  States  on  that  important  business  of  the  new 
government  as  they  shall  come  to  your  knowledge. 

1  Probably  Judge  Spencer  Roane.  In  1785  he  was  chosen  to  the  executive 
council,  and  Madison  then  spoke  of  him  as  "young  Mr.  Roane." 


49 

p.  S.  I  am  well  informed  Col  Pendleton  and  Col.  James  Taylor 
will  come  from  Caroline.  H — y  is  preaching  to  the  people  in  some  of 
the  southern  counties. 

Jos.   JONBB. 


DAVID   STUART  TO   GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

Abingdon.  17  February,  1788. 
...  I  have  just  returned  from  a  tour  round  part  of  the  County  —  I 
mean  about  the  middle  of  the  week  to  set  out  again.     I  find  that  Pope 
and   Chichester  in   particular,  have  been  very  active  in  alarming  the 
people.     The   latter    Gentleman   and    myself  were   near   meeting  at 
several  C.   Houses.     He  had  his  pockets  full  of  Mason's  objections; 
which  he  leaves  wherever  he  calls.     He  is  trying  to  persuade  some  one 
opposed  to  the  Constitution  to  offer  for  the  Convention.     Mr.  Pollard 
informed  me  that  he   applied  to  him,  but  that  he  declined  it.     I  am 
happy  to  find,  that  he  has  met  with  no  success  except  with  old  Broad- 
water.    Mr.  Little  informs  me  that  he  appears  to  be  changed,  and  to 
be  disposed  to  offer  himself  in  opposition  to  those  who  approve  of  the 
Constitution.     I  almost  think  that  Mason,  doubtful  of  hb  election  in 
Stafford  will  offer  for  this  county,  notwithstanding  his  declarations.     I 
think  he  might  have  been  satisfied  with  the  publication  of  his  objec- 
tions, without  taking  the  pains  to  lodge  them  at  every  house.     I  find  it 
commonly   believed  in   this  County,    that   you   consider   amendments 
necessary.     It  therefore  appears  to  me,  that  it  would  be  of  advantage 
to  the  Constitution,  to  undeceive  the  people  in  this  respect;  by  some 
communication  or  other.    Would  not  Mr.  Blair  your  fellow  labourer  in 
the  business,  be  a  proper  person  through  whom  to  introduce  it  to  the 
Publick  ?     If  you  should  think  proper  to  take  any  step  of  this  sort,  it 
would  be  particularly   useful,   to  take  some  notice  of  the  difference 
between  the  objectors.     I  find  this  argument  to  have  the  most  weight 

with  the  common  class.     I  am,  &c  ^ 

David  Stdart. 


EDWARD   CARRINGTON  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

New  York,  24  April,  1788. 
Dear  Sir,  —  I  was  but  a  few  days  ago  honoured  with  your  favor 
of  the  21  December,  having  been  absent  on  a  trip  to  Virginia  ever 
since  the  1'.'  of  January.  I  was  alike  cut  off  from  it,  and  an  oppor- 
tunity of  writting  you.  Massachusetts,  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Dela- 
ware, Connecticut,  and  Georgia,  have  adopted  the  Constitution.  New 
Hampshire  has  been  in  convention  upon  it,  but  finding  that  a  majority 

4 


50 


» 


,1 


i, 


had  assembled  under  instructions  or  promises  to  vote  in  the  negative, 
of  whom  a  sufficient  number  were  converted  to  turn  the  scale,  an  ad- 
journment has  taken  place  until  June,  for  the  purpose  of  getting  such 
clear  of  their  fetters,  and  it  is  not  doubted  by  the  friends  of  the  meas- 
ure that  this  will  be  effected,  so  that  a  ready  adoption  will  be  the  con- 
sequence of  their  reassembling.     New  York,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina  and  South  Carolina  are  to  deliberate  between  this  and  July. 
In  Maryland   and  South  Carolina  no  doubt  is  entertained  as  to  the 
adoption.     In  New  York  and  Virginia  very  active  opposition  is  made, 
and  the  event  is  uncertain  —  in  the  latter  it  will  depend  much  upon  the 
ideas  entertained  in  convention  as  to  the  issue  in  N.  Hampshire,  whose 
reassembling  is  to  be  after  the  meeting  in  Virginia.     I  am  certain  that 
a  great  majority  of  our  Convention  will  be  for  adopting  upon  being 
^certained  that  nine  States  will  adopt,  as  much  worse  apprehensions 
are  held  from  the  event  of  a  disunion,  than  from  anything  that  is  in  the 
Constitution.     We  have  a  party  that  is  truly  anti-federal  headed  by 
Mr.  Henry,  but  it  will  be  limited  to  a  few,  unless  the  federalists  who 
are  for  amendments,  should  from  a  mistaken  view  of  the  probability  of 
the  measures  being  carried  into  effect  by  nine   States,  be  drawn  into 

steps  favoring  the  anti-federal  schemes.     Mr.  H does  not  openly 

declare  for  a  dismemberment  of  the  Union,  but  his  arguments  in  sup- 
port of  his  opposition  to  the  Constitution  go  directly  to  that  issue.  He 
says  that  three  confederacies  would  be  practicable  and  better  suited  to 
the  good  of  America,  than  one.  God  forbid  that  I  should  ever  see  the 
trial  made.  Virginia  would  fall  into  a  division  from  which  she  might 
add  to  her  burthens,  but  could  never  derive  aid  of  any  kind. 

North  Carolina  is  to  sit  after  Virginia,  and  it  is  probable,  will  follow 
her.  Of  Rhode  Island  we  say  nothing  when  speaking  of  American 
politics. 

Of  the  States  which  have  adopted,  Jersey  and  Delaware  were  unani- 
mous. Georgia  we  hear  was  also  unanimous.  In  Pennsylvania  the 
majority  was  about  two-thirds,  and  the  minority  continues  much  dis- 
contented. In  Connecticut  the  majority  was  about  two-thirds,  the 
minority  acquiescing.  In  Massachusetts  the  majority  was  small,  the 
minority  acquiescing.  The  debates  of  this  Convention  have  been  pub- 
lished, a  copy  whereof  you  will  receive  herewith. 

It  would  have  afforded  me  much  pleasure  to  have  seen  yoar  senti- 
ments fully  upon  this  subject,  but  Mr.  Madison,  having  gone  to  Virginia 
before  my  return  to  this  city,  I  have  not  seen  your  letter  to  him  as  yet. 
You  ask,  "  would  it  not  have  been  better  to  assign  to  Congress,  ex- 
clusively, the  article  of  imposts  for  federal  purposes,  and  to  have 
left  direct  taxation  exclusively  to  the  States."  It  is  probable  that 
the  former,  aided  by  the  Land  Office,  might  have  cleared  off  the 
present  debts  of  the  Union,  and  supported  the  current  expenses  of 


61 


government  during  peace,  bat  in  a  case  of  war,  other  resonrces  mast  be 
brought  into  practise,  and  with  a  view  to  such  an  event,  some  coercive 
principle  must  have  been  established  whereby  the  federal  government 
should  act  with  effect,  and  had  this  not  been  interwoven  in  its  civil 
admiuistration,  a  military  one  must  occasionally  have  been  put  in 
practice  upon  delirujuent  States.  The  former  will  never  be  exercised 
but  when  necessary,  and  then  in  a  way  not  odious  or  inconvenient  to 
the  people ;  the  latter  must  forever  be  both  odious  and  inconvenient,  be 
the  occasion  what  it  may. 

I  feel  seriously  for  yonr  situation  with  our  numerous  and  too  justly 
discontented  foreign  creditors,  nor  do  I  see  a  prospect  of  relief  before 
the  new  Government  shall  get  into  operation,  which  must  still  require 
some  time.  The  proposition  for  filling  up  the  loan  in  Holland,  pro- 
vided the  broker  be  suffered  to  retain  180,000  guilders,  the  interest  of 
certain  certificates  in  his  possession  of  our  domestic  debt,  will  not  be 
acceded  to  by  Congress ;  and  yet  I  do  not  see  upon  what  ground  we 
are  to  expect  that  loans  will  be  made  upon  the  common  principle.  I 
should  myself  be  for  acceding,  because  it  appears  that  it  would  preserve 
our  credit  until  it  is  probable  the  new  government  would  commence. 
This  I  think  so  great  an  object  that  I  would  not  stand  on  a  precise 
adherence  to  systems.  We  have  at  present  not  a  competent  Congress 
to  act  in  the  case,  but  from  the  sentiments  of  the  numbers  attending, 
and  those  of  the  Board  of  Treasury,  I  am  convinced  the  terms  would 
not  be  accepted.  I  hope  the  views  of  our  creditors  are  tamed  upon 
the  revolution  which  is  about  to  take  place  with  us,  and  that  they  may 
be  induced  to  continue  their  patience,  until  time  shall  produce  the  issue. 
I  apprehend  that  amongst  the  first  measures  of  the  new  government 
will  be  that  of  negotiating  loans  for  the  purpose  of  satisfying  the 
foreigners  to  whom  the  U.  S.  are  indebted,  as  it  will  require  some 
time  to  bring  into  practise  the  resources  from  which  money  is  to  be 
derived. 

I  am  happy  that  my  information  in  the  case  of  Commodore  Jones 
apprised  you  of  the  hazards  you  might  have  run,  and  I  am  at  the  same 
time  pleased  that  you  fell  on  the  expedient  of  acting  safely  without 
disappointing  him.  The  business  of  the  prize  money  which  was  paid 
under  your  direction  is  fully  understood  in  Congress,  and  I  believe 
every  one  else  whose  attention  has  been  called  to  it. 

I  am  much  obliged  to  your  information  upon  European  politics.  It 
is  true  we  ought  not  to  entangle  ourselves  in  the  affairs  of  others,  where 
we  can  avoid  it,  but  keeping  clear  of  them  depends,  in  some  measure, 
upon  knowing  their  circumstances  and  views.  I  will  venture  one  idea 
upon  European  politics.  It  would  seem  the  Turks  should  meet  with 
support  against  Russia  from  other  powers  in  addition  to  France.  Russia 
has. already  a  vast  territory  which  is  peopling  fast;  she  is  also  growing 


.i 


i 


I 

^  in  naval  force.     Suppose  she  should  get  Turkey  with  those  seas  which 

tj  belong  to  it,  would  she  not  be  dangerous  to  the  rest  of  Europe  ? 

'  Ed.  Carbington. 

I  have  not  a  list  of  the  returns  for  the  Virginia  Convention,  or  I 
would  send  it  to  you.     It  contains  many  obscure  characters  whom  you 
would  know  nothing  of.     It  is  unfortunate  that  in  this  great  business 
the  passions  instead  of  the  reason  of  the  people  were  called  into  opera- 
'  tion.     This  circumstance  renders  the  issue  there  the  more  uncertain, 

because  a  great  proportion  must  act  from  the  influence  of  a  few  men 
whose  popular  talents  may  be  exerted. 


i1 


'1  <: 

.   1 


EDWARD  CARRINGTON  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


New  Tobk,  14  May,  1788. 
My  deab  Sir,  —  Mr.  Barlow  of  Connecticut  will  have  the  honor 
to  call  on  you  with  this  letter.     I  have  not  the  pleasure  of  a  personal 

I  acquaintance  with  him,  but  his  literary  talents  have  considerably  dis- 

tinguished him  as  a  poetical  as  well  as  prose  writer,  and  he  is  intro- 
duced to  me  as  a  gentleman  deserving  your  countenance.  Permit  me 
to  recommend  him  to  your  attention  and  civilities.  He  conducts  to  the 
Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  the  eldest  sou  of  our  illustrious  friend  Gen'l 
^      ^f^     *  Greene,  who  is  sent  at  the  particular   request  of   that  nobleman,  to 

receive  his  education  under  his  direction  iu  France.     I  have  given  the 
,,     '  little  fellow  [George   Washington    Greene]  a  few  lines  to  you   and 

directed  him  to  deliver  them  in  person.  It  is  unnecessary  to  solicit  for 
him  the  attention  of  one  who  so  well  knew  his  father. 

I  had   the  pleasure  to  write   you  pretty  fully  on  the   25*  ult  by 
Mr.  Paradise,  since  which  no  event  has  taken  place  except  the  adoption 
J      I  of  the  Constitution  in  Maryland,  by  a  majority  of  63  against  11.     South 

/      j  Carolina  is  now  sitting   and  the  general  countenance  of  intelligence 

I  from  thence  is  much  in  favor  of  the  measure.     There  seems  to  be  no 

•      i  doubt  entertained  of  an  adoption  by  a  considerable  majority.     Should 

i     \  this  be  the  case,  it  will  give  eight  States.     Virginia  being  the  next  to 

.,(  sit    will   meet   under   very  critical   circumstances,  because   upon    her 

I  decision  will  in  my  opinion  depend,  not  the  fate  of  the  measure,  but 

whether  some  degree  of  convulsion  shall  or  shall  not  attend  its  matura- 
tion. It  will  have  gone  too  far  to  be  retracted,  and  even  Virginia  her- 
self, should  she  in  the  first  instance  reject,  must  afterwards  come  iu. 
Indeed,  New  Hampshire  will  certainly  accede  when  she  re-assembles, 
and  compleate  the  nine  for  giving  action  to  the  project.  But  a  decision 
in  the  negative  in  Virginia  would,  in  one  moment,  give  additional  Ufe 
to  the  minority  in  Pennsylvania,  whose  opposition  has  taken  a  stubborn 


53 

stand,  and  the  appeal  may  in  that  quarter  be  to  the  sword.  Nor  will 
I  venture  a  conjecture  upon  the  effect  such  au  effort  there  will  have 
amongst  the  opposers  in  Virginia.  I  hope,  however,  the  possibility  of 
a  calamity  of  this  sort,  will  have  its  effect  on  some  of  the  more  wise  in 
the  opposition,  and  incline  them  to  adopt  rather  than  run  such  a  hazard. 
Should  Virginia  adopt,  we  shall  at  once  have  a  government,  the  issue 
of  a  thorough  revolution,  without  the  violent  means  which  have  uni- 
formly been  requisite  for  the  like  events  elsewhere.  I  pray  Grod  we 
may  exhibit  to  the  world  this  instance  of  our  superior  wisdom  and 
benevolence. 

I  do  myself  the  pleasure  to  send  you  by  Mr.  Barlow  a  volume  con- 
taining a  number  of  periodical  papers  which  have  been  written  in  this 
city,  upon  the  occasion  of  the  constitution.  These  are  written,  it  is 
supposed,  by  Messrs.  Madison,  Jay  and  Hamilton.  The  numbers  run 
to  as  many  more,  the  remainder  are  to  form  a  second  volume,  which 
will  be  published  in  a  few  weeks.  I  will  do  myself  the  pleasure  to 
send  it  to  you,  as  soon  as  it  is  done. 

Mr.  Madison  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  me  a  few  days  ago,  re- 
quested me  to  obtain  the  first  and  second  volumes  of  the  Philosophical 
Transactions  of  the  Society  in  Philadelphia,  and  forward  them,  to  you. 
Upon  inquiry  I  find  that  the  P.'  vol.  is  not  in  print,  having  been 
destroyed  during  the  war.  The  second  I  have  got  through  favor  of 
Mr.  Barlow  to  take  with  him  for  you.  I  am  told  the  1?  is  to  be 
reprinted;  when  it  is  done,  we  will  take  care  to  forward  it  to  you. 
During  Mr.  Madison's  absence  in  Virginia  I  am  aware  of  your  depen- 
dence upon  me  for  regular  information  upon  the  progress  of  the  busi- 
ness of  the  constitution,  and  shall  omit  no  opportunity  of  writing  you. 

Ed.  Carrington. 


EDWARD   CARRINGTON  TO   THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

Nbw  York,  9  June,  1788. 

Mt  dear  Sir,  — I  had  the  honor  to  write  you  by  the  last  packet 
by  Mr.  Barlow  and  Master  G.  W.  Greene,  since  which  South  Carolina 
has  acceded  to  the  new  Constitution  by  a  great  majority.  The  inclosed 
papers  contain  the  act,  and  some  of  the  Debates  of  the  Convention. 

Virginia  is  now  sitting,  having  met  last  Monday,  but  we  have  not 
yet  received  any  intelligence  as  to  the  probable  turn  the  business  will 
take  there.  I  am  inclined  to  think  the  critical  stage  in  which  this  Con- 
vention meets  the  affair,  will  have  much  influence  upon  the  opinions  of 
many  who  sat  out  in  the  opposition.  In  adopting  they  will  certainly 
avoid  commotion,  and,  at  worst,  accept  a  constitution  upon  which  eight 
States  have  already  agreed  to  hazard  their  happiness,  and  which  may 


64 


T 


*"    » 


«»f1 


be  amended,  should  it  be  found  to  operate  badly  ;  in  rejecting  they 

may   produce  commotion,   with   but  little   prospect  of  preventing  the 

ado'piiou.     The  five  States  who  have  not   yet  acceded,  would  never 

agree  in  these  objects  and  could  even  this  be  brought  about,  they  must 

a^  last  rather  yield  to  the  8,  than  these  to  the  five ;  and  it  appears  that 

the  submission  on  either  side  must  be  intire,  for  should  the  8  think  of 

a  compromise  with  the  5,  there  would  be  difficulty  in  agreeing  what 

points  to  yield.     Tliese  considerations  will,  I  apprehend,  effect  in  the 

convention  of  Virginia  and  produce  an  issue  different  from  that  which 

might  have   taken  place   under  other  circumstances.     I  am  happy  to 

find  that  the  five  are  so  separated  that  there  cannot  be  a  possible  effort 

to  unite  in  an  attempt  to  dismember  the  Union.     Had  the  southern 

States  joined  in  opinion  as  to  the  constitution,  I  verily  believe  such  a 

desperate  step  would  have  been  tried,  but  it  would  have  ended  in  their 

destruction,  and  perhaps  that  of  all  the  others. 

Mr.  Madison  and  myself  have  sent  you  sundry  pamphlets  and  pieces 
which  have  been  written  by  the  friends  of  the  Constitution ;  I  have 
endeavored  to  select  from  those  which  have  been  written  on  the  other 
side,  that  which  is  reputed  the  best,  to  send  you  now,  that  you  may 
fairly  judge  of  the  arguments  brought  forwards  amongst  us  pro  &  con. 
The  two  books  enclosed  contain  a  number  of  letters  under  the  signature 
of  the  Federal  Farmer,  but  the  author  is  not  known.  These  letters  ai-e 
reputed  the  best  of  anything  that  has  been  written  in  the  opposition. 

I  hope  by  the  next  opportunity  to  be  able  to  send  you  the  second 
volume  of  the  Federalist. 

£d.  Carrington. 


JOHN^B.  CUTTING  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

London,  26  June,  1788. 
.  .  .  The  public  objects  manifestly  intended  to  be  accomplished  by 
its  operation   are  important    [Southern   whale  fishery  bill].     Among 
the  principal  ones  which  this  government  mean  to  effect  I  select  the 
following  :  1.  To  distance  all  competition  in  the  fisheries  and  monopo- 
lize the  oil  trade,  and  nourish  a  national  nursery  for  seamen.     2.  To 
defeat,  Iwth  as  to  France  and  America,  that  mass  of  growing  benefits 
which  might  otherwise  result  from  your  edict  of  Decf,  1787.      3.  To 
extirpate  a  (suppositious)  projected  settlement  of  American  whale  fish- 
ermen in  France.     4.   To  establish  such  a  settlement  on  the  coast  of 
Scotland  (vid.  Bufoy's  speech).     5.  To  check  the  growth,  or  perhaps 
suffocate  the  germ  of  our  rising  marine  in  the  west.     6.  To  diminish 
the  maritime  jKJwer  of  France,  or  hinder  its  augmentation.     To  these 
public  may  be  superadded  the  private  views  of  Anglo-American  mer- 
chant*, some  of  whom  expect  a  liberal  remittance  from  Nantucket  as 


55 

an  immediate  adjunct  of  the  plan,  beside  the  consequent  advantages 
from  the  conversion  of  forty  foreign  bottoms  into  domestic  ones,  and 
fixing  in  Britain  forever  the  best  of  human  implements  for  executing 
and  extending  so  productive  a  commerce. 

These  private  purjwses  stimulated  the  first  application  to  government 
for  this  new  bill  to  depopulate  Nantucket,  and  impoverish  our  best 
national  resource.  Lord  Hawksbury  (late  Mr.  Jenkinson)  who  suc- 
ceeds to  that  secret  influence  with  the  sovereign  which  his  patron,  the 
Earl  of  Bute,  bequeatlied  to  him  on  his  political  demise,  encouraged 
and  brought  forward  the  scheme  from  its  earliest  suggestion  in  March, 
soon  after  that  indiscreet  promulgation  of  the  French  edict  of  Decem- 
ber. He  drew  the  heads  of  the  act  him>elf.  From  the  board  of  trade, 
whereof  he  is  president,  it  came  recommended.  It  was  adopted  and 
was  only  approved  by  that  junto  of  the  privy  council  who  agree  upon 
the  substance  of  all  great  acts  ere  they  assume  even  an  embrio  shape 
in  the  committee.  Being  hostile  to  America  it  met  the  applause  of  the 
monarch.  It  was  hurried  through  a  committee  by  Mr.  Grenville  — 
the  sub-conductor  of  Hawksbury's  commercial  systems  —  and  from  that 
moment  to  the  last  form  of  its  enaction,  discussion  at  large  of  its  merits 
was  evaded,  and  all  disclosure  of  the  chief  objects  it  is  intended  to 
effectuate,  was  studiously  stifled  and  prevented. 

If  the  plan  prospers,  it  is  to  be  extended  occasionally,  whereby  a 
palsy  may  be  infused  into  the  stoutest  sinew  of  the  United  States, 
while  Britain  gains  an  accession  of  strength.  By  the  complete  success 
of  the  first  experiment  only  she  obtains  nearly  five  hundred  of  the  most 
vigorous,  skillful  and  undaunted  seamen  ever  seen  on  the  face  of  the 

John  Brown  Cutiing. 


JOHN  B.  CUTTING  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

LoiTOOH,  11  July,  1788. 
Sir,  —  I  am  to  congratulate  you  upon  the  adoption  of  the  new 
national  constitution  of  our  country  by  the  State  of  South  Carolina.  I 
cannot  ascertain  the  precise  numbers  of  the  Convention,  but  the  main 
question  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  sixty  six  members,  not  without 
warm  debate.  I  have  mutilated  a  couple  of  newspapers  which  contain 
nothing  beside  the  intelligence  stamp'd  on  the  columns  cut  oat.  From 
the  specimen  of  eloquence  and  argument  expressed  on  one  of  them,  a 
fair  estimate  may  be  formed  of  the  talents  of  the  minority.  That  of 
Maryland  exhibited  proofs  of  riper  ability.  It  seems  to  me  (if  it  were 
not  rash  either  to  form  or  offer  any  opinion  at  this  distance),  that 
some  of  the  gentlemen  warmly  opposed  to  an  acceptance  of  the  plan 
(in  the  back  counties  of  Virginia)  have  diffused  their  objections  through- 


f 


,! 


i  ■  .66 

out  those  of  the  two  Carolinas  which  are  most  remote  from  the  Atlantic 
shores.     In  North  Carolina  violent  contests  at  the  election  of  members 
for  their  State  convention  by  a  few  of  those  transmountain  districts 
.  have  resulted.     In  one  instance  the   operation   of  those  iotrigues  to 

,  which  I  refer  probably  induced  a  majority   of  the  voters    to   bestow 

J  their  suffrages  on  men  extremely  obscure,   and    unfit   from  excessive 

I  ignorance  as  is  alledged,  to  discuss  or  decide  upon  so  great  a  question. 

In  consequence  of  this  conception  the  election  was  interrupted  by  those 
who  wished  men  more  enlightened,  or  as  the  phrase  is,  more  federal ; 
;  aud  by  force  of  club  law  their  antagonists  were  defeated.    I  understand 

i  '  that  North  Carolina,  but  for  such  forceful  zeal  in  several  parts  of  the 

\  country,  would  not  have  exhibited  a  convention  so  united  in  support  of 

national  system  as  is  now  the  promise.  The  prospect  now  is  that  they 
will  ratify  at  any  rate.  In  apology  for  electioneering  violences  in  that 
State,  which  few  considerate  citizens  of  our  Union  will  approve  or 
attempt  to  justify,  it  may  be  urged  that  among  the  whole  thirteen  there 
is  not  a  community,  the  internal  and  ferocious  disturbances  of  which 
more  loudly  exact  the  inteiference  of  national  authority  and  controul, 
such  as  is  now  to  be  delegated  by  the  ratification  thus  eagerly  sought. 
Already  the  conflicts  for  independent  power  between  those  who  denom- 
inate themselves  citizens  of  Frankland  and  the  residue  of  their  neigh- 
bours who  adhere  to  the  legitimate  government,  have  issued  in  blo«i  : 
<f  '  ^'■'^^^  P»'"^ies  within  these  few  months  have  assaulted  each  other  in 

open  warfare,  besieged  dwelling  houses,  inflicting  mutual  and  mortal 
wounds,  and  menacing  future  feuds  with  which,  if  not  over  or  quelled 
by  legal  authority  confessedly  paramount  to  both  parties  and  in  some 
measure  constituted  for  this  express  purpose,  the  worst  of  unsubdue- 
able  anarchy  might  be  expected  to  result. 

When  I  contemplate  such  events  and  the  probability  that  similar 
ones  might  be  engendered  in  various  quarters  of  the  union,  unless  a 
strong  superintending  power  vest  in  the  general  government  capable  to 
curb  individual  licentiousness  and  suffocate  the  germs  of  future  discord 
1  am  not  surprised  at  the  energy  of  almost  the  whole  body  of  our 
enlightened  and  leading  characters  in  every  State,  who  otherwise  would 
seem  actuated  with  an  unnecessary  if  not  intemperate  zeal  in  a  great 
and  a  good  cause.  Thus  a  person  who  were  superficially  to  peruse  the 
proceedings  even  of  the  liberal  and  patriotic  convention  of  Maryland! 
Hould  be  led  to  imagine   that  the  objections  and  arguments  of  the 

majority.     Whereas  a  minute  scrutiny  into  the  motives  and  measures 

say  that  the  opposition  to  a  thorough  reform  of  the  federal  government 
began  in  Maryland,  even  before  the  agitation  of  the  qnestbn.n Te 
general  Convention  at  Philadelphia.    Mr.  Martin,  the  AtZ7Gene:!;:. 


^■1 


57 

who  was  primarily  appoiuted  to  that  office  by  Mr.  Chase,  was  in  the 
same  iuflueuce  deputed  to  represent  the  State,  after  Messrs.  Carroll, 
Johnson,  &c.,  &c.,  the  tirst  choice  of  the  Legislature,  declined  quitting 
Maryland  even  upon  the  important  business  of  new-framing  the  national 
government,  Mr.  Chase  having  just  before  menaced  the  Senate  for 
rejecting  a  wide  emission  of  paper  money  and  appealed  to  the  people 
against  them.  They  had  joined  in  that  general  issue,  and  could  not 
venture  to  relinquish  to  a  violent  and  headstrong  party  their  active 
influence  in  the  Senate  as  well  as  in  the  lower  House,  at  the  very 
moment,  when  it  was  so  essentially  needed  to  stem  the  torrent  of  the 
populace  for  the  paper.  Those  gentlemen,  therefore,  remained  at  home, 
convinced  their  fellow  citizen  of  their  superior  rectitude  and  wisdom, 
and  defeated  that  favorite  measure  of  Mr.  Chase.  Meanwhile  Mr. 
Martin  and  Mr.  John  F.  Mercer,  a  young  gentleman  whom  you  well 
know,  went  to  the  general  Convention,  opposed  the  great  leading  feat- 
ures of  the  plan  which  was  afterwards  promulged,  withdrew  themselves 
from  any  signature  of  it,  and  from  the  moment  when  it  was  proposed 
for  ratification,  in  conjunction  with  Mr.  Chase  and  his  sure  coadjutor 
Mr.  Paca,  exerted  every  effort  to  hinder  its  adoption.  So  far  did  Mr. 
Martin  proceed  in  his  avowed  hostility,  as  even  to  detail  in  the  face  of 
decency,  before  the  assembled  Legislature  of  Maryland,  the  petty 
dialooues  and  paltry  anecdotes  of  every  description,  that  came  to  his 
knowledge  in  conventional  committees  and  private  conversations  with 
the  respective  members  of  the  Convention  when  at  Philadelphia.  I 
blushed  in  my  own  bed  chamber  when  I  read  his  speech  on  this  side  of 
the  Atlantic. 

An  hostility  so  premature  and  determined  did  certainly  render  those 
gentlemen  who  waged  it,  obnoxious  to  many  of  their  fellow  citizens, 
who  likewise  recollected  their  warm  conduct  relevant  to  the  bills  of 
credit,  which  they  had  so  recently  urged  Maryland  to  issue.  When  the 
Convention  met  oii  the  21"  of  April,  whatsoever  proposition  came  from 
Messrs.  Chase,  Paca,  Martin  or  Mercer,  was  viewed  with  jealousy  or 
disgust,  and  generally  rejected  by  a  great  majority.  Nay,  so  far  did 
this  disposition  to  neglect  their  sentiments  prevail  that  when  to  their 
well  grounded  objections  and  most  cogent  arguments  no  reply  was 
made,  a  great  majority  remained  inflexibly  silent,  or  called  for  the  main 
question  ;  which  on  Saturday  the  26'?  was  carried  by  63  to  11.  After 
which  Mr.  Paca  renewed  a  proposition  which  had  been  rejected  the 
day  before  for  tlie  appointment  of  a  committee  to  consider  and  report 
what  amendments  sliould  be  recommended  by  the  Convention  of  Mary- 
land, when  66  voted  for  such  a  committee;  and  accordingly  Mr.  Paca, 
Messrs.  Johnson,  S.  Chase,  Potts,  Mercer,  Goldsborough,  Tilghman, 
Hanson,  J.  T.  Chase,  W.  Tilghman,  Lee,  McHenry  and  Gale  were 
appointed.     Upon  the  following  amendments  the  Committee  agreed. 


II 


68 

1.  That  Congress  shall  exercise  no  power  but  what  is  expressly 
delegated  by  this  Constitution. 

2.  That  there  shuU  be  a  trial  by  jury  in  all  criminal  cases,  according 
to  the  course  of  proceedinii:  in  the  state  wherein  the  offence  is  comniitted  ; 
and  that  there  be  no  appeal  from  matter  of  fact,  or  second  trial  after 
acquittal :  but  this  provision  shall  not  extend  to  such  cases  as  may  arise 
in  the  government  of  the  land  or  naval  forces. 

3.  That  in  all  actions  or  debts  or  contracts,  and  in  all  other  contro- 
versies  respecting  property,  or  in  which  the  inferior  federal  courts  have 
jurisdiction,  the  trial  of  facts  shall  be  by  jury  ;  if  required  by  either 
party :  and  that  it  be  expressly  declared  that  the  state  courts  in  such 
cases  have  a  concurrent  jurisdiction  with  the  federal  courts,  with  an 
appeal  from  either,  only  as  to  matter  of  law,  to  the  supreme  federal 
conrt,  if  the  matter  in  dispute  be  of  the  value  of         dollars. 

4.  That  the  inferior  federal  courts  shall  not  have  jurisdiction  of  less 
than  dollars,  and  there  may  be  an  appeal  in  all  cases  of  revenue,  as 
well  in  matter  of  fact  as  law,  and  Congress  may  give  the  State  Courts 
jurisdiction  of  revenue  cases,  for  such  sums  and  in  such  manner,  as  they 
may  think  proper. 

5.  That  in  all  cases  of  trespasses  done  within  the  body  of  a  county 
and  within  the  inferior  federal  jurisdiction,  the  party  injured  shall  be 
entitled  to  trial  by  jury  in  the  State  where  the  injury  shall  be  com- 
mitted ;  and  that  it  be  expressly  declared  that  the  State  courts  in  such 
cases  shall  have  concurrent  jurisdiction  with  the  federal  courts ;  and 
there  shall  be  no  appeal  from  either,  except  on  matter  of  law ;  and  that 

-^^  no  person  be  exempt  from  such  jurisdiction  and  trial  but  ambassadors 

and  ministers  privileged  by  the  law  of  nations. 

6.  That  the  federal  courts  shall  not  be  entitled  to  jurisdiction  by 
fictions  or  collusions. 

'  ■         •  7.   That  the  federal  judges  do  not  hold  any  other  office  of  profit  or 

receive  the  profits  of  any  other  ofllice  under  Congress  during  the  time 
they  hold  their  commissions. 

8.   That  all  warrants  without  oath  or  affirmation  of  a  person  con- 
scientiously scrupulous  of  taking  an  oath,  to  search  suspected  places,  or 
■    .  to  seize  any  person  or  his  property,  are  grievous  and  oppressive;  and 

j  all  general  warrants  to  search  suspected  places,  or  to  apprehend  any 

I  person  suspected,  without  naming  and  describing  the  place  or  person  in 

I  special,  are  dangerous  and  ought  not  to  be  granted. 

i  9.   That  no  soldier  be  enlisted  for  a  longer  time  than  four  years, 

>  except  in  time  of  war,  and  then  only  during  the  war. 

k  10.    That  soldiers  be  not  quartered  in  time  of  peace  upon  private 

I  houses,  without  the  consent  of  the  owners. 

f  1 1.    That  no  mutiny  bill  continue  in  force  longer  than  two  years. 

12.    That  the  freedom  of  the  press  be  inviolably  preserved. 


^  ^  -r^^' 


59 

13.  That  the  militia  shall  not  be  subject  to  martial  law,  except  ia 
time  of  war,  invasion  or  rebellion. 

Thus  far  there  was  a  coiicurreuce  in  opinion  either  unanimously  or 
by  a  considerable  majority  of  the  committee.  But  when  the  following 
amendments  were  laid  before  the  committee,  a  majority  negatived  the 
same : 

That  the  militia  unless  selected  by  lot  or  voluntarily  enlisted  shall 
not  be  marched  beyond  the  limits  of  an  adjoining  state,  without  the 
consent  of  their  legislature  or  executive. 

That  (Congress  shall  have  no  power  to  alter  or  change  the  time,  place 
or  manner  of  holding  elections  for  senators  or  representatives,  unless 
a  State  shall  neglect  to  make  regulations,  or  to  execute  its  regulations, 
or  shall  be  prevented  by  invasion  or  rebellion ;  in  which  cases  onlj 
Congress  may  interfere  until  the  cause  be  removed. 

3.  That  in  every  law  of  Congress  imposing  direct  taxes,  the  collec- 
tion thereof  shall  be  suspended  for  a'  reasonable  time  therein  limited, 
and  on  payment  of  the  sura  by  any  State,  by  the  time  appointed,  such 
taxes  shall  not  be  collected. 

4.  That  no  standitig  army  shall  be  kept  up  in  time  of  peace  unless 
with  the  consent  of  two  thirds  of  the  members  present  of  each  branch 
of  Congress. 

5.  That  the  president  shall  not  command  the  army  in  person,  with- 
out the  consent  of  Congress. 

6.  That  no  treaty  shall  be  effectual  to  repeal  or  abrogate  the  con- 
stitutions or  bills  of  rights  of  the  States,  or  any  part  of  them. 

7.  That  no  regulation  of  commerce  or  navigation  act  shall  be  made, 
unless  with  the  consent  of  two  thirds  of  the  members  of  each  branch  of 
Congress. 

8.  Tliat  no  member  of  Congress  shall  be  eligible  to  any  office  of 
profit  under  Congress  during  the  time  for  which  he  shall  be  appointed. 

9.  That  Congress  shall  have  no  power  to  lay  a  poll  tax. 

10.  That  no  person  conscientiously  scrupulous  of  bearing  arms  in 
any  case,  shall  be  compelled  personally  to  serve  as  a  soldier. 

11.  That  there  be  a  responsible  council  to  the  president. 

12.  That  there  be  no  national  religion  established  by  law,  but  that 
all  persons  be  equally  entitled  to  protection  in  their  religious  liberty. 

13.  That  all  imposts  and  duties  laid  by  Congress  shall  be  placed  to 
the  credit  of  the  State  in  which  the  same  be  collected,  and  shall  be 
deducted  out  of  such  State's  quota  of  the  cotnmon  or  general  expenoea 
of  the  government. 

14.  That  every  man  hath  a  right  to  petition  the  legislature  for 
redress  of  grievances  in  a  peaceable  and  orderly  manner. 

15.  That  it  be  declared  that  all  persons  entruste<l  with  the  legisla- 
tive or  executive  powers  of  government  are  the  trustees  and  servants 


60 


J' 


•^   '(^* 


of  the  public,  an<l  as  such  accountable  for  their  conduct.  Wherefore, 
whenever  the  ends  of  j^overnment  are  perverted,  and  public  liberty 
manifestly  endangered,  and  all  other  means  of  redress  are  ineffectual, 
the  people  may  and  of  right  ought,  to  reform  the  old,  or  establish  a 
new  government ;  the  doctrine  of  non  resistance  to  arbitrary  power 
and  oppression  is  absurd,  slavish  and  destructive  of  the  good  and  hap- 
piness of  mankind. 

The  introduction  of  these  articles,  especially  the  7*  and  13'^,  alarmed 
and  gave  offence  to  many  of  those  among  the  majority,  who  suspected 
the  motives  of  Mr.  Chase  and  his  particular  associates  to  be  sinister 
and  altogether  hostile  to  any  effectual  plan  of  national  government. 
And  on  Monday  the  29'!',  while  the  committee  were  sitting,  the  Con- 
vention upon  motion  resolved,  "  That  this  Convention  will  consider  of 
no  propositions  for  the  amendments  of  the  federal  government,  except 
such  as  shall  be  submitted  to  them  by  the  Committee  of  thirteen." 
Upon  which  the  Committee,  being  sent  for  by  the  Convention,  a  major- 
ity of  them  determined  that  they  would  make  no  report  of  any  amend- 
ments whatsoever.  The  Convention  immediately  adjourned  sine  die. 
Since  which  William  Paca,  Messrs.  S.  and  J.  T.  Chase  and  John  F. 
Mercer,  members  of  the  Committee;  and  Messrs.  Martin,  Cockey, 
Harrison,  Love,  Cromwell,  Pinckney  and  2  Ridgeleys,  members  of  the 
Convention,  have  appealed  to  the  pnblic,  complaining  of  the  Conven- 
tion, defending  their  own  conduct  and  asserting  that  they  "  consider  the 
proposed  form  of  national  government  as  very  defective,  and  that  the 
liberty  and  happiness  of  the  people  will  be  endangered  if  the  system 
be  not  greatly  changed  and  bettered." 

I  have  undertaken  this  local  detail  because  I  thought  it  might  not  be 
unentertaining  to  you,  especially  if  you  have  seen  no  other  narrative 
of  the  proceedings  in  Maryland  except  that  which  in  a  Boston  paper 
of  May  23  I  transmitted  to  you  through  Mr.  Parker.  I  have  also 
enclosed  for  the  same  purpose  of  amusing,  the  manly  proceedings  of  a 
Virgmia  Court  of  Appeals.  Without  knowing  the  particular  meriu 
of  the  cause,  I  may  venture  to  applaud  the  integrity  of  Judges  who 
thus  fulfill  their  oaihs  and  their  duties.  I  am  proud  of  such  characters, 
rhey  exalt  themselves  and  their  country,  while  they  maintain  the 
principles  of  the  constitution  of  Virginia,  and  manifest  the  same  un- 
spotted probity  of  its  judiciary  department.  I  hope  you  will  not  think 
me  too  locally  or  statically  envious  when  I  mention  that  a  similar  in- 
stance has  occurred  in  Massachusetts.  Where  when  the  legislature 
unintentionally  trespassed  upon  a  barrier  of  the  Constitution,  the  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  solemnly  determined,  that  the  particular  statute 
was  unconstitutional.  In  the  very  next  session  there  was  a  formal  and 
unanimous  repeal  of  the  law,  which  perhaps  was  unnecessary. 

I  have  just  heard  from  New  York  that  Mr.  Jay,  who  wa8  reported 


(   i    ' 


\       ; 


61 

to  be  mortally  hurt  in  the  lato  anatomical  riot«  there,  U  in  tolerable 
health.  .  .  . 

If  a  good  private  opportuuity  occurs  soon  I  will  transmit  yon  a 
pamphlet  or  two  lately  written  in  various  parts  of  the  Union.  The 
most  inferior  I  have  perused  upon  the  federal  government  is  attributed 
(erroneously  I  believe)  to  Mr.  St.  (Jeorge  Tucker.  Judge  Hanson 
of  Maryland  treats  the  same  topic  well.  But  Mr.  Madison,  (who  I 
am  assured  is  the  genuine  author  of  the  two  volumes  of  essays  signed 
Pttbliiis,  and  heretofore  given  to  Col.  Hamilton  of  New  York)  it  is 
agreed  transcends  every  politician  who  has  attempted  to  explain  or 
defend  any  system  of  federal  polity.  .  .  . 

This  day  his  britanuic  majesty  is  expected  to  put  an  end  to  the 
present  session  of  parliament  in  a  satisfactory  and  pacific  speech  to 
both  houses.  Much  of  the  past  three  weeks  has  been  consumed  in 
framing  a  bill  to  regulate  the  transportation  of  slaves  from  Africa  to 
the  West  India  Islands.  The  attempt  or  supposed  attempt  to  interfere 
in  a  branch  of  commerce  so  lucrative  and  extensive  excited  great  alarm 
and  warm  opposition  among  the  individuals  interested  in  the  same,  who 
are  against  every  species  of  innovation.  Few  acts  have  undergone  more 
[illegible']  tation  or  remark,  from  their  origin  to  ultimate  legitimacy; 
aliho'  but  an  extemporaneous  measure  to  accomplish  an  humane  object. 
Some  national  and  superior  system  of  legislation  will  I  hope  be  devised 
by  our  country  gently  to  prepare  the  negroes  for  that  reception  of  their 
natural  rights  which  might  be  effected  without  distracting  society  or 
extinguishing  property !  .  .  . 

John  Brown  Cutting. 


JOHN  B.  CUTTING  TO  THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

[Extract.'} 

[London,  August,  1788.] 

.  .  .  There  is  a  gentleman  just  arrived  from  Virginia  who  left  the 

convention  debating  on  the  11'."  of  June.     He  says  he  attended  several 

days,  and  that  nothing  can  exceed  the  seeming  violence  with  which  Mr. 

Henry  and  Col.  Grayson  combat  the  constitution,  except  the  ability 

with  which  LIr.  Madison  and  Governor  Randolph  advocate  it.     Mr. 

Henry  used  such  harsh  language  in  reprobating  the  fickle  conduct  of 

the   latter   that   the   House   compeUed  him   to   ask  that  gentleman's 

pardon.  .  .  . 

John  Beown  Cutting. 


62 


f    * 


rrt>* 


i  ^ 


JOSEPH  JONES  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

Richmond,  8  August,  1788. 
Dear  Sir,—  Hearing  you  were  about  to  leave  Richmond,  I  called 
the  moriung  you  set  out  to  see  you,  but  Anderson  informed  me  you  had 
walked  out  and  to  what  place  he  could  not  tell.  I  not  only  wished  to 
take  you  by  the  hand  before  you  went  away,  but  was  desirous  also  of 
apologizing  to  you  for  so  long  delaying  the  payment  of  the  balance 
I  owe  you.  Although  I  have  and  knew  I  could  presume  on  the  privi- 
lege of  friendship  to  suit  my  convenience  in  the  matter,  yet  I  have 
been  uneasy  lest  in  gratifying  those  who  have  been  importunate,  I  may 
have  subjected  you  to  inconvenience.  I  have  hopes  of  being  able  to 
accommodate  you  before  Christmas. 

A  general  acquiescence  under  the  decision  of  oar  convention  seemB 
to  prevail  through  the  country.     We  have  no  information  from  North 
Carolina,  consequently  cannot  communicate  even  a  conjecture  what 
will  be  the  result  of  their  deliberations.     From  New  York  we  daily 
expect  a  communication  of  their  decision,  which  from  the  accouuta 
published  in  the  newspapers  will  probably  be  a  rejection,  or  something 
equal  to  it.     What  has  been  the  real  object  of  the  motion  of  Dane  and 
Williamson  respecting  the  military  locations  on  the  Cumberland  and 
the  reserved  territory   northwest   of    the   Ohio?      I   suspect   some- 
thing at  bottom  more  than  is  expressed.     The  French  minister  seems 
to  be  warm  in  his  appHcations  in  the  case  of  Ferriar.     A  full  answer 
to  his  note  to  Mr.  Jay  was  sent  sometime  ago,  but  the  Secretary's 
absence  has,  I  suppose,  delayed  the  communication  to  him.     The  dele- 
gates will  receive  a  copy  of  it.     He  seems  to  expect  a  strict  conformity 
to  the  stipulations  of  the  consular  Convention,  which  the  Delegates  say 
Congress  have  not  ratified,  and  I  have  never  heard  it  rested  solely  with 
Congress  to  give  it  operation.     Was  it  the  fact,  the  minister  should  not 
have  expected  a  perfect  obedience  in  the  States  to  the  stipulations  of 
that  act  before  it  was  complete  and  promulgated.     Much  less  ought  he 
to  have  insinuated  a  connivance  in  the  State  to  the  liberation  of  the 
men  from  the  consular  power  before  he  was  better  informed  of  facts, 
and  the  authority  of  the  Executive  to  exercise  the  powers  be  supposes 
they  possess.     I  do  not  wonder  at  the  zeal  of  the  Count  on  this  occa- 
sion, as  the  conduct  of  the  man  was  very  reprehensible,  and  such  viola- 
tions of  trust,  especially  in  commercial  countries  call  for  animadversion 
and  punishment ;  but  1  think  his  language  and  conclusions  too  strong 
and  not  following  from  the  premises. 

I  leave  this  place  to  morrow,  and  shall  pass  a  few  weeks  up  the 
country,  not  to  return  here  perhaps  before  October.     When  you  write 


63 

direct  your  letters  to  Fredericksburg,  where  I  shall  mostly  be,  and  in 
Orange  and  Culpeper. 

The  late  storm  has,  from  all  I  can  learn,  and  the  frequent  rains  einc©, 
destroyed  the  crop  of  tobacco.     That  which  was  not  drowned  is  spotting 

and  burning. 

Jos.  Jones. 


'/  3^ 


•3 


'* 


35 


5 


■I 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  **' 


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